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Queen Himiko

Queen Himiko

Released Sunday, 15th March 2020
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Queen Himiko

Queen Himiko

Queen Himiko

Queen Himiko

Sunday, 15th March 2020
Good episode? Give it some love!
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We're finally here!  Queen Himiko.  In this episode we tell the story of Queen Himiko--or at least what we know of it.  From her rise to power as the paramount of the Wa to her missions to the Wei court in Luoyang and dealing with the commandery in Daifang.

This was a particularly tumultuous time in northeast Asia, and the story dives into not just the Wa, but their interaction with the other polities that were developing into their own states and kingdoms on the peninsula.

For more go to: https://sengokudaimyo.com/podcast/episode-13

Rough Transcript

(Auto-transcription courtesy of listener, Zach)

Welcome to Sengoku Daimyo's Chronicles of Japan. My name is Joshua, and this is episode 13, The Life of Queen Himiko. Now before we get started, I just want to give a brief shout out to Tyler, Sean, and Louis for their donations on Ko-Fi. We really appreciate your support in keeping the site and this podcast going. Alright, so I realize we've talked about her somewhat, but this episode will be going over the life and times of Queen Himiko, Paramount of Wa. And though this episode drops on the 15th, I can't tell you how cognizant I was of just what was going on as I was putting this episode together, especially as I was doing most of the reading and writing on March 8th, International Women's Day. And oh my, what a great reminder that was for what we are doing here. The first named sovereign of Japan. And it's a woman. Not that we won't get our fair share of them in this early period, there clearly wasn't the stigma that came later with the more patriarchal leanings of Confucian and Chinese philosophy, let alone the later practice of simply ignoring women altogether, listing them simply as "daughter" in many of the official genealogies. I'm also excited though, because there's just so much research still going on trying to detail her life and times. Just earlier this year, there was a conference still looking at whether the Yamataikoku was actually Yamato, or if it was somewhere down in Kyushu. Now Queen Himiko is a character that has sparked imaginations of countless individuals. There was a period in Japan where there was literally a Himiko craze, it drove all sorts of books, manga, and other media about her. Much of it greatly embellished. Even today, she'll show up sometimes as a heroic figure, and sometimes as a villainous tyrant. Most of these are caricatures, with only the loosest of connections to reality. Like if George Washington were used as the game's final boss, chomping away with his wooden teeth and throwing cherry bombs. But however she might be depicted, and whatever we know about her, there is one thing we can be certain of. She was a human being. That means she had all the same emotions and basic concerns of anyone, with just as much capacity to be kind as she could be cruel. She was likely much more complex than the small snapshot we have can adequately portray her. But we'll do what we can to touch on her and on the other members of the WA who are named in the Chronicles. Alright, so let's dig in, shall we? Our tale starts in media res. Nasome stood looking out over the bow of his ship at the ocean waves, the boat rocking back and forth, while the men at the oars helped pull the craft through the water, wind whipped across the surface, catching the spray from the waves and misting everyone in salt air. At least the weather was warm, and there were no ominous clouds gathering on the horizon. This boat was made to ply the ocean, and was much more seaworthy than its Chinese counterparts. Below decks, the precious cargo was locked safely away, cargo fit for a king, or even an emperor. Only a few weeks ago the monsoon rains had pummeled the archipelago, and they still might be a threat, even in the later season, but so far the Jisai's powers had worked, and they had relatively clear skies. They had already been traveling for more than a month, and probably had at least one more month before they hit their target, the Chinese commandery of Daifang. To get there, they would need to head towards Guya, and then make their way along the western coast past Mahan and north to Daifang. From there, they would get a pilot and strike out across to the Shandong Peninsula, and eventually to their end goal, Luoyang, the capital of the Wei state. Years ago there had been turmoil in the archipelago, with states fighting each other and vying for dominance. There were precious few resources to be spent on missions like this one. Even after they had unified under Queen Himiko of Yamato, there was enough chaos on the Korean peninsula that would have sown doubt in anyone's mind regarding just whom one should deal with. The renewed Yan kingdom until recently held uneasy sway over Liaodong and the peninsula, including the Chinese Han commanderies, and their loyalties vacillated between the neighboring state of Wei and the southeastern state of Wu. Meanwhile the Samhan, Mahan, Jinhan, and Byonhan were starting to come together in their own states, what would eventually become Baekje, Silla, and the Gaya Confederacy. Still, Yan had been the most powerful state in the Korean peninsula, and would have strictly controlled trade and tribute with the mainland Chinese courts. It was only in the past year that the Wei armies had overthrown their unreliable ally, Gong Zun Yuan, and established direct control over the commanderies, as well as enforcing a tributary status with the states of the peninsula. With their newfound control, the Wei summoned those states on the peninsula, and while most of the wall were not on the peninsula proper, this would be a good time for them to come and feel out this new player, who previously had been removed behind other actors like the commanderies and the Yan. Unfortunately the Wei's celebrations were short-lived. Despite the victory over Yan, Emperor Ming, known by his given name of Cao Rui, died later that year, sending the Wei court into a state of mourning. So even as news of the Wei's victory was filtering down to the islands, they also would have received word of this tragedy. China's misfortune was an opening for the Huo, however. A chance to legitimate Yamato's rule through the auspices of the Middle Kingdom, Zhongguo, and to learn more about their intentions in the peninsula and the archipelago. The timing of the mission indicates that Himiko and the Huo were well informed regarding just what was going on in the rest of Northeast Asia, and they weren't some far off hermit kingdom. During this period, the Wei court would be taking the opportunity to renew its bonds with the more far-flung tributary states, especially those on the Korean peninsula, where a firm Wei presence had just been re-established. Himiko and her advisors could not have missed the fact that the Chinese court would be in a period of some upheaval, and that would actually be good for them, since the new emperor would likely want to show his power, wealth, and authority, which could include significant gifts in return. This was a key moment where she could bring her people into the lucrative tributary sphere of the Wei court. More important than the gifts, however, would be the legitimacy that came from an endorsement by the Chinese court. As far as we know, only one other such endorsement had been truly given out to one of the Wei states up to this period, and that was simply addressed to "the king of Na of Wa." With this mission, Himiko would be asking for something even greater, recognition of her rule across the archipelago as "Queen of Wa." After all, there were still some states resisting Yamato authority, and it wasn't very long ago that there was constant fighting. Himiko had probably come to power in 190, or shortly thereafter, which means she likely came to power at a young age, probably because of her presumed powers of intercession with the kami. Even Himiko's position was based on the general agreement of other chieftains, and was not inherent to anything about her herself. Meaning the imprimatur of a state-like Wei could bolster her position and authority. Besides the largely symbolic gesture, an alliance with the powerful Wei state might also lead to military aid against her enemies sometime in the future. And so they launched an expedition as soon as they could, waiting for later in the season to avoid the summer monsoons, but early enough that they would be able to cross over to the mainland before winter settles in, when many of the northern ports might ice over, providing unpredictable and treacherous conditions for any who might seek to travel across the straits. Like other later expeditions, they likely called on the various states to provide boats (there may have been more than one), and Himiko herself would have consulted with spirits. To the sounds of the zither, drums, and ringing bells, she would enter into a trance and consult with the kami regarding the appropriate timing for any expedition, as well as having others consult the oracle bones. Through these implements, the court would affirm their decisions to the people. Now to lead this expedition, Queen Himiko appointed Nasome as ambassador, with his second in command, Izushi-Gori, who is also simply referred to as Gori in much of the chronicle. We don't know much about these two individuals prior to this, though they must have been trusted officers of the court. This would be a dangerous mission, but it was also likely to bring rewards not just to the queen and her court, but specifically to those officials who made the journey. After all, it wasn't like today where people could just hop on a plane and fly halfway across the world. A journey like this would take at least a year given the distance and the seasons during which one could catch the appropriate prevailing winds. Even without complex sailing technology, winds, weather, and currents would have been a huge factor in any crossing. That said, I doubt that these crews were completely inexperienced. As an island nation just off the East Asian coastline, the people of the Japanese archipelago have long had a reputation for an activity that probably was already being practiced. Piracy. Arrrrr, that's right matey! Indeed, the early Japanese seafarers were probably not too dissimilar from the early Norsemen supplementing their agricultural lifestyle with fishing, trade, and when the opportunity presented itself, simply pillaging the mainland and bringing the supplies and wealth back with them. On the continent, people often had better access to the key resources that Japan needed, including iron and other metals, and it made the nascent states of the Korean peninsula and the Chinese coast tempting targets. In fact, these raiders were so well known that there was a specific name for these pirates in Asia, Wakou, and it would be a constant point of contention between the Japanese and their neighbors who would regularly request that they get a handle on this problem. It wasn't only a problem on the Asian mainland. One of the most reliable paths to get to Yamato was through the Seto Inland Sea region. There the region known as Kibi, modern day Okayama, was in a particularly lucrative space to interdict ships traveling the coast with protected harbors on both Honshu and Shikoku, as well as various islands themselves. It is significant that there were many connections between Kibi and the Yamato Kofun as well as in the Japanese histories, as it would have been an important area to control. In fact, there are some that think that this Kibi region, and not Izumo, is what was referred to by the Chinese as the state of Zuma or Touma. While these were often independent ventures, whether around the archipelago or raids upon the Korean peninsula, and not necessarily sanctioned by any state, it did mean that the Wa were nonetheless in possession of the very skills they would need for these more diplomatic missions. Now the ambassadors on these ships of course had gifts for the new emperor, as well as congratulations on the Wei's victory in the Liaodong peninsula, which had opened up the possibility for direct contact once again. They brought, or possibly obtained along the way, ten enslaved individuals, four men and six women. In addition, they brought about 24 meters of a patterned cloth made in the archipelago. Should be noted that this is a rather paltry gift compared to more than a century earlier. Back in the time of Suisho, during the later Han dynasty, they are said to have brought 160 enslaved people. There were several possible reasons that the gift was so small. First there is the matter of date. The original text says that the embassy left in the year 238, which would have been during the height of the conflict between Wei and Yan, and it is possible that this mission was originally meant for the newly crowned king of Yan, and it was simply repurposed when Nasome and his compatriots realized there had been a major political shift as they were traveling. It is also possible that the standards had changed. Perhaps Himiko was simply testing the waters of this new relationship. After all, the Wei were only one of three dynasties that were claiming control over the territories of the former Han empire. Perhaps the wall weren't yet confident in just what this relationship would bring, nor what it was worth. It is also possible that there was more, but it didn't make it all the way to Luoyang. Remember the ocean crossing was still dangerous, and it is possible that there were multiple boats but not all of them made it. The Jisai just weren't as effective on those other ships. Given other details that we are given though, it seems strange that the scribes would not have mentioned such a hardship during the journey. Finally, it is possible that during this first mission, Yamato was still rebuilding. The wars that had been fought between the various states had likely been a drain on the archipelago, and that may account for the size of the gift. Heck, we think that it may have ended around 190, but the conflict could have been continuing right up until just before they sent this mission. Whatever the reason may be, that was all the wall had to bring, but it would prove sufficient to the task. So gathering their gifts, Nasome and Gori traveled up from the archipelago to the Daifang commandery, near present day Seoul. Daifang was a relatively new creation, originally set up under the Yan. After Wei's hostile takeover, however, things would have been in a state of rebuilding themselves. I suspect Liu Xia, the governor at this time, was probably new to his position, and would have been busy as the focal point organizing the various embassies from the peninsula that were also traveling to Luoyang. It would be their job to receive the embassies, catalog the people and goods, and see that they made it safely to the capital. Most of the time the governor could simply receive the tributes himself. There would be no need to go all the way to Luoyang, but in this case the Huo asked to make the trip, which would have shown their dedication, surely. In addition, the time was about right. By the time the Huo arrived in Daifang, they would need to leave in short order for Shandong if they were to make it down to the Wei capital before winter set in. For Nisome and Gori, Daifang was a foreign land. We don't know if one of them was trained in Chinese or if they brought along a translator. It's even possible that they could have spoken through a third party, maybe someone they picked up in Kuyang on their way north. We do know that there is evidence of Chinese characters written on potsherds in the third century, well before the Japanese chronicles claimed that formal Chinese learning came over from the continent. This may have been the domain of only select individuals though, possibly immigrants from that same continent. There is certainly no indication of any written court documents from this time, but it's likely that there were those who knew Chinese as well as the other languages of the peninsula, as they were in regular communication for trade and other goods, and according to later in the chronicle they were able to write letters. Regardless, for both of the ambassadors this was probably the first time they themselves had seen a Chinese city, even if it was just an outpost on the edge of the empire. We can only think of the impression it would have made. Daifang was a cosmopolitan place, with Han Chinese certainly, but it also had people from the surrounding areas. There would have been members of the Samhan as well as people from the Liaoning area. To the north the state of Buyeo had already budded off the Goryeo dynasty, as well as other factions in the area of Mahan that would eventually become Bikje. These were some of the earliest states that were forming on the peninsula. At Daifang, after providing their credentials to the governor and discerning the situation, the ambassadors were furnished with a guide. They would have been led across the water to the Shandong peninsula, and from there they would have traveled on foot to the Wei capital at Luoyang. Now if Daifang seemed large, one can only imagine the impression that the imperial capital had on the ambassadors. In 239 Luoyang would have had a population of probably more than half a million people. And even though the Wei only controlled a portion of those lands, once controlled by the Han dynasty, it was still a large, once again cosmopolitan empire with connections to the peoples of the north and west. As ambassadors to the court, they would have been furnished with a place to stay and treated as foreign emissaries. Their guides from Daifang may have stayed with them and helped them both as an interpreter of the language and of the various rights they would have to go through. These guides as officers themselves would have likely found this rewarding as it gave them a chance to interact directly with the upper echelon of the Chinese court, a chance to play some of the politics that would help them in their later careers. Now there has been much made of the Chinese tributary system, and we could discuss at length its merits and what kind of impact it had throughout Asia as China solidified its position as Zhongguo. For now, we'll simply note that the Chinese courts had long invited its satellite states to bring tribute, and had their own system of how to receive such missions in formalized, bureaucratic rituals that included ranking the various embassies against one another. Though the Huo had previously sent embassies, it seems that they may not have sent any since the Wei court had come to power. Remember, after the fall of the Han, there had been some turmoil in the archipelago, and there are no recorded missions since Suishou, nearly 100 years prior. And so it seems that the court was overjoyed to once again establish relations with such a far-flung entity. As previously noted, the Wei emperor Cao Rui had passed away, and his successor, known to history as Cao Feng, was only seven years old. In true Chinese fashion, he was ruling through a regent, Cao Shuang, and if the emissaries dealt with anyone in true authority, it would likely have been him. Even had they come earlier, during the reign of Cao Rui, he would likely have been on his deathbed, and so Cao Shuang would have probably been speaking for him even then. The Cao family was, unsurprisingly, quite powerful in the Wei dynasty, seeing as how it had been created by the descendants of Cao Cao from the ashes of the Han. You know, whenever I think of Cao Cao, I can't help but think of the guy with the duck on his helmet, but that's a reference I suspect only a few of you might get. Now in fact, this Wei dynasty is often called the Cao Wei, to distinguish it from several other dynasties both before and after that also took the name Wei. And so regardless of who was actually seated on the throne, the Huo would have been dealing with the Cao family, and they would have organized any official response. And so it was that they issued an imperial edict that formally named Himiko, "Queen of Wa, Friend of Wei," which was inscribed on a gold seal with a purple ribbon, not unlike the gold seal for the King of Na back in '57, almost two centuries prior. By the way, I want to make a note here, that while the chronicle specifically calls out Himiko as a "Queen" in the text, Nuwang, or "Jo'ou" in Japanese, literally meaning "Woman/King." On the seal it simply states that she is "Qin Wei Wo Wang," which has no associated gender, and could equally be translated as "King of the Wa, Friend of Wei." It's possible that Himiko's gender was not communicated to the court at this time, or that this was being given for whomever was sovereign of the Wa, and as we have discussed, that person could be either male or female. Now besides the seal, which was actually entrusted to the governor of Daifang rather than to the ambassadors themselves, those ambassadors, Nasome and Gori, were given official court rank. These were lower military ranks, but it still gave them some cachet within the Chinese imperial system. Beyond the court rank, which really wouldn't be worth much back home in Yamato, not yet anyway, they were given physical goods as well. In response to the ten enslaved people and the 24 meters or so of cloth, the Wei court responded in overflowing bounty. Much like the potlatch system among the people of the northwest Pacific coast of Turtle Island, aka North America, power was often displayed in terms of generosity. The fact that the Wei court could gift so much more than their tributary states brought status to the center, the imperial court, while also providing an economic reason for the tributary states to keep coming back. In this case, the court sent back thick red brocade silk covered with embroidered dragons as well as thick hayseed patterned red wool cloth, pink silk, and dark blue silk, over fifty times as much as had been sent by the Wei. They also sent back, as personal gifts for Himiko herself, many more meters of cloth, gold, two swords, pearls, red cinnabar, and perhaps most importantly, one hundred bronze mirrors. This last one will become crucial later on. Mirrors were a sign of status on the islands. Early on, it was thought that the elites would actually wear the mirrors as part of their regalia, symbolizing their connection with China and with the bronze trading systems. While China treated them primarily as functional items, the islands of the Waa adopted them as particularly special, even though one could argue that weapons and bronze bells were more useful. Still, the mirror only grew in importance, becoming one of the chief representations for elite status. In much of the Yayoi period, bronze mirrors appear to have been personal objects indicating the status of the person in the community, and we often find them buried together with the elite person. After the time of Queen Himiko, these mirrors appeared to be hereditary prestige objects, passed down from generation to generation until they eventually found their way into some of the kofun, the mounded tombs of the elites. That the mirrors were important is shown by the fact that not only are they often included in the burial goods, but in some cases we even find proxy mirrors made of clay. And as difficult as it would be to use a bronze mirror for your morning ablutions, a clay mirror would be utterly useless. Unless it is simply meant as a stand-in, which it probably was. These kinds of substitution objects are not uncommon in funeral traditions. For instance, many Chinese families might provide or burn money for the deceased so that they can have wealth in the next life. Of course, since most people don't actually have money to burn, they instead substitute a fake money, a currency known as "hellnotes", which can be burned in its place. In this case, the mirrors had obviously become an important part of the funerary rites of the elite, but there weren't always enough to go around, and so substitutes had to be made. Of the bronze mirrors that we find, there are many different types with different characteristic designs on the back. Some common themes are an old gameboard design, possibly related to an ancient Chinese divination technique, which are called TLV mirrors, because the design looks like the capital letters T, L, and V on the back. There are other mirrors that sport Chinese sage kings and queens, possibly the Queen Mother of the East and King Father of the West, along with various animals. Some of these mirrors with the same or similar designs can be traced back to the same workshops and artisans, or at least to roughly the same time period. While it's possible that they were transported to Japan independently, it seems more likely that similar mirrors and those coming from the same workshops probably came over together, and were then handed out as rewards to allies or loyal vassals. So imagine what it would tell us if we could identify the mirrors given to Himiko, and then find the tombs where they ended up. Well, unfortunately, the way Chronicles don't exactly tell us what the mirrors look like. Furthermore, many of the mirrors we find aren't easily dated, though scholars have been working to do the best they can. We do have some clues though. There is a particular type of mirror that has a triangular-shaped rim that has been dated to the third century, which fits with about the time that Himiko's mirrors would have been made and brought over. These mirrors have been found in various kofun, with over half of them in the Kinai area around where we put our Yamato. While we cannot definitively associate them with Himiko's missions, there are no other records of any such cache coming to the islands in the same period. So when else would they have come? This has been a large piece of the puzzle for historians and archaeologists looking to piece together what was happening during this period. While we don't have all the answers, we certainly have a few more clues. But enough of that for now. Let's get back to the mission. Now Nasome and Gori had finished their audience with the court, and were transporting everything back with the officers from Daifang. You know, this is why you always plan to bring an empty suitcase when you travel, am I right? So the officers made it back to Daifang, probably arriving after the spring thaw had begun in the following year, 240. In that time, a new governor of Daifang had already been appointed, District Governor Gongzun. He would have ensured everything was properly catalogued and in line with the court records before arranging it to be shipped back to Wa. On the return trip, he would make sure to send an official, Ti Jun, along with others, to make sure everything arrived safely. This was especially important as regards the gold seal, since that had not been given to the ambassadors, but had been instead entrusted to the governor of Daifang himself. I mean, this makes sense. The seal did not have a name, and anyone using it could have theoretically forged official correspondences. Official seals were often made to be unique, utilizing characters written in a way that would be difficult, if not impossible, for someone to duplicate. In fact, there's an entire script called "seal script" used for this very purpose. This was early authentication technology. The Chinese court was the issuing authority, and it would be used to prove documents from the Wa were genuine. The protections for these seals would not have been that dissimilar to the idea of projecting the plates used by the US Mint to print currency, and so it's little wonder that the governor would want to make sure that someone traveled with these treasures and ensured they made their way back to their intended target. So Ti Jun traveled back with the treasures. He probably traveled with Nasome and Gori, but it's possible that they did not return immediately. Indeed, they fall out of the story for a while, and it's possible they continued on at Luoyang while the goods were transported back to Wa. Certainly this would be the case with some later missions where ambassadors and court officials would definitely stay longer, either maintaining an official presence in the court or else learning Chinese language and philosophy, and eventually bringing that knowledge back with them. It's also possible that they stayed in Daifang, as we'll see in a bit, though in all likelihood it does seem that they probably returned with the mission. And so it was Ti Jun who headed the Chinese embassy that returned from the Wei and had an audience with the court. Well, we think he had an audience with the court. Jun entrusted the seal and other gifts to the queen, and Himiko expressed her appreciation in a letter, indicating that clearly the court had some level of literacy. Jun would not have met with Himiko herself, who was kept secluded, at least from such an audience. He may have dealt with her younger brother, who assisted her in affairs of state. But he may not have even reached Yamato itself. It's possible he stopped in either Ito, Na, or Fumi, and then passed everything on to the great commanders of Wa. Regardless, it was likely some of his own observations that were later used to compile the description of Wa in the Wei Chronicles. After the initial contact, things were quiet for a few years. But in 243 another mission was launched. At its head was a new intended, Yayako, and it included eight people altogether, not including enslaved persons nor the crew needed for the ship. They brought the slaves, brocade, and other fabrics and clothing, red cinnabar, as well as bows and arrows. For his trouble, Yayako was also provided Chinese court rank, not dissimilar to Nasome and Gori. This embassy is interesting in its timing. And if Himiko had shown expert timing in her first mission, this one seems to have been anything but. I mean, the Goguryeo kingdom had broken their alliance with the Wei only a year before in 242, raiding a city in Liaodong. This would have impacted travel to and from Daifang up and down the peninsula. The Wei were organizing a response, which finally came in 244 in the Battle of Liang Ko in Liaoning. Meanwhile, the Wei were also concerned about the state of Shu on their southern border. It may just have been desperation that had Himiko send this mission, though, and a clue on that comes in the form of the bows and arrows that were included. Those were probably meant as a solicitation of military support. Unfortunately, the Wei had no military support to give, especially not to some far-flung foreign country out past the edges of their own borders. They were happy to have the prestige and tribute that were included in having such a tributary but in the end, there was just no strategic advantage in sending Chinese troops to assist. It doesn't mean, though, that they wouldn't at least send some symbolic support. Now, it wasn't until sometime in 245, two years after Yayako's mission had departed from Wa, that an imperial message was finally sent out to give the Yellow Banner that had been entrusted to the Wa to Daifang, presumably in response to Yayako's mission. And this Yellow Banner was to be given to the old friend of the corps, Nasome, who had led the first of Himiko's missions. Nasome had returned back to the Wa with all the power and prestige that the mission had brought him, and had become apparently an even more powerful member of the corps. If he was now receiving this Yellow Banner, then he was being treated like a general. Yellow Banner was the war banner of the Wei. On the mainland, it would indicate that any who faced it were facing the Wei army, and therefore were making themselves the enemy of the Wei state. However, there was apparently a complication. You see, in that same year, 245, District Governor Gong Zun was on the front lines with Liu Mao. This likely gave him little time to respond to the missives from Luoyang. Unfortunately, he wouldn't get much of a chance to respond. You see, Xin Ji of Baekje was pushing on the borders of Daifang, and in the ensuing battles, Gong Zun died. It would take a year for the new District Governor, Wang Qi, to take his post, and in that time, it seems that the banner might have been forgotten. Meanwhile, Himiko and her court were getting desperate. They were waiting on support from the Wei, but it hadn't come. Ever since Queen Himiko had ascended the throne, there had been those who remained outside of the confederation and outside her rule. She likely had some resistance, even from those states in her domain. After all, it wasn't that long ago that they were independent, and for whatever benefits they gained from being part of the confederation, that would always have been in the back of their minds. We don't know how long she had been on the throne. Some suggest she came to power sometime after 190 as a young girl. She was a shaman, believed to be in contact with the kami, which was the source of her authority. She never married and had no children, but she did have a family. As you may recall, we already mentioned that her younger brother assisted her rule. And so if that's all true, she was probably on the throne for some 50 or 60 years. She had been ruling from Yamato for that time, dealing with the politics and wars. She held her kingdom together while the Han Dynasty fell into chaos and broke into three separate squabbling kingdoms. In all that time, she held together a delicate alliance of formerly independent states. But it was surely delicate, held together with a rigid set of rules and punishments. But in 239, she had an opportunity to make it into something more. She reached out to the way, and she had it. Official recognition of her position as queen. Nope, as paramount of Wa. That external validation gave her a structure to build off of. And with the officers who returned, she had validation for more than just herself. And with a largess from the Wei court, she would be able to reward those who were loyal to her, reinforcing her own power and authority. But for all of that, there was still resistance. Most notably, there was one state. The state of Kuna. Its leader appears to have been called Hikomiko, possibly related to Hiko no Mikoto, a title that is often used for sovereign princes in the chronicles in Fudoki. This may be similar to Himiko's name, which many assume to be a title, as the later Hime no Mikoto, or simply meaning "Daughter of the Sun." Kuna remained independent from Yamato, though we aren't quite sure where it was. According to the chronicles, it was in the south, so somewhere in Kyushu, perhaps an ancestor of the later Kumaso or Hayato tribes. Of course, we've already seen just how reliable Chen Shuo's directions were, and if we assume south as we've been using it to get to Yamato, then perhaps they were somewhere in the Kanto area, maybe in Gunma, maybe a part of a group that would later become known as the Emishi. We just don't know. What we do know is that they were a threat, and Himiko was now reaching out to the Wei, perhaps because she was no longer able to take the field herself. She had grown old over the years, and possibly even sick. It's probable that she couldn't lead the troops anymore, and was now relying on Nasome as her general. Regardless, Kuna was a threat, and she needed the Wei's help. She had sent a mission, but help never came. They were too caught up in wars and conflicts of their own. And so, sometime after 247, she sent another mission. The leader of the mission is named as Soshiao, his destination wasn't Luoyang, but simply Daifang. He probably arrived to find Wang Qi still putting together the pieces. You know, no matter what the time period, you just never have time to get comfortable in a new job before a crisis rears its head. Fortunately Wang Qi had the banner and the instructions that had been delivered under Gong Zun. The Wa emissaries pleaded their case with him, and he listened. Wang Qi was not just a bureaucrat, he knew war, and he knew conflict. He was dealing with potential enemies all around him on the peninsula, fighting off his own existential threats. So he did what little he could it seems. He sent them the banner, and also sent a military council, Zhongzheng, with a handful of men. They traveled back with Soshiao and brought Nasome the yellow banner of the Wei. They also erected a wooden signboard and announced Nasome's position. Also implied by his position is that Zhongzheng and his men would have trained the soldiers of Yamato how to fight, and possibly advised them on war strategies. He would have likely been planning on a long stay, and it is possible that many of the cultural observations we have are from his time in the Wa, along with Qi Jun's calculations of distances. Regardless, he was there and ready to help the Wa. Of course, while all of this sounds impressive, it would likely have had more impact on the continent. I mean, for one thing, without troops to back up the threat, I mean more than a handful of military advisors at least, these actions were unlikely to carry much weight with any of the independent states on the archipelago. In addition, it is unclear just how many people could read at this time, so it is quite possible that the signboard looked impressive, but was otherwise illegible to the majority of the archipelago's inhabitants. From a national perspective, it was little more than a token, the Wei's equivalent of liking and sharing the Wa's status on social media. It was a clear message to Himiko that she would need to find a way to reconcile or otherwise solve the problem by herself, but it seems clear that Zhongzheng, at least, was thrown into the thick of it, working alongside Himiko and her court, ready to help take the fight to the enemy. And then, well, I hate to say it again, but we don't know. The next line in the chronicle simply states that Himiko died. Queen Himiko, paramount of Wa, the first name sovereign in Japanese history, was dead. Did she die before the envoys arrived? Did she die in battle, fighting Kuna? Or did her advanced aides just catch up with her? We don't know. There's no mention of Kuna being defeated and no explanation for her death. The chronicle does say that after she died, a man became king. Was this her younger brother who had been helping her rule? Or perhaps it was Hikomiko of Kuna? Whoever it was, he was not very popular, and the land once again fell into fighting. When it stopped, the leaders of the Wa once again chose a young woman, Toyo, to lead them. Now, Toyo was only 13 at the time. She appears to have been either a student or relative of Himiko, likewise versed in the mystic arts and in the communication with the divine spirits. Zhang Zheng, who surprisingly was still hanging out in the archipelago at this time, likely unable to leave once the chaos broke out, well, he prepared another wooden sign, and through his powers as an officer of the Wei, he had her declared the new paramount of Wa. Now, with Himiko's death, the Wa began their funerary rites. Over 100 personal servants and maidens were sacrificed, either buried with her or burned to death. They built her a tomb with a diameter of 100 bu, about 145 meters. This was an impressive feat, and probably something that was started before she died. There's also an indication that she likely wasn't openly assassinated, nor did Kuna take her throne after all. Would either of those situations have also led to the erection of a tomb of that size for just one person? Remember that in other settlements, tomb mounds were often shared, but this was part of a new tradition where those at the very top of the system were buried by themselves, or perhaps with immediate family, in large monumental tombs. This speaks to Himiko's legacy. You see, there is in fact a tomb mound that seems to fit this description. While it still hasn't been excavated, as it is believed to contain an imperial ancestor, Hashihaka Kofun in the Nara region near Makimuku in modern Sakai, is a keyhole shaped tomb where the round top is roughly the dimensions given, about 145 meters in diameter. Style from the tomb date it to the 3rd century, and it is in fact one of the largest early tombs that we know about. If it wasn't Himiko herself, it was likely to be one of her immediate successors, possibly Toyo. The traditional occupant of the tomb is said to be a woman, Yamato Totohi Momoso Hime no Mikoto, who was also a great shaman and oracle of some renown and aunt of Tsujin Ten-no, one of the earliest sovereigns from the Japanese chronicles thought to have been an actual historical person. Though she is never named a sovereign herself, perhaps that is due to later Chinese patriarchal influences. Indeed, Himiko herself never had children as far as we know, and so there would be no direct lineal descent from Himiko's line. Still, it is hard to believe that she was just wiped from the records, but that appears to be what happened, more or less. I mean hundreds of years later and only the Chinese chronicles mentioned her. The early Japanese chronicles matched her dates up with another powerful female in the Japanese histories, Jingu, also known as Okinaga Tarashihime, and they outright plagiarized the chronicles and added her deeds to Jingu's own feats, but as we'll see when we get into the Japanese chronicles, this just doesn't make any sense. And so the search for Himiko continues. Now the story doesn't quite end there. I mean Toyo had taken the throne and ruled for some time. We don't know how long, but we do know that she kept in contact with China. She sent Yayako, who was still part of the Yamato court, back to China with a mission of 20 people, escorting Zhang Zheng and his people back home. Clearly the fighting had stopped and there was no more need of their services. Yayako made the trek back to Luoyang, the only named ambassador, to make that trip twice, and brought tribute. He had 30 enslaved men and women as well as 5,000 pearls, two large magatama, or kama-shaped jewels of green jade, as well as meters of various brocades. This was one of the most impressive tributes sent to date, larger than anything Himiko herself had put together. Despite all the wars and chaos, the power of Yamato had only grown over the years. And while Yamato was going through its wars and growth, the way was going through its own problems. Sima Yi had assassinated Cao Shuang and taken the regency for himself in 249. He consolidated more power and passed it to his son, who overthrew the Wei emperors and initiated the new Jin Dynasty in 265. This may actually have been the occasion behind Toyo's mission, as the records of the Jin Chronicles do capture a mission the year following the dynasty's founding, in 266. Whether this was the same as the tribute mentioned at the end of the Wei Chronicles, or a different embassy, it's clear that Toyo followed closely the happenings on the continent, just as her predecessor had. Unfortunately, we lose the thread after that. There's a gap in the Chinese records, and so I'll leave you all there. From here, before we dive more into the Kofun era, let's start to dive into the Japanese Chronicles themselves and see what they have to say. I mean, they're full of myths and legends, don't get me wrong, and much of the so-called history is drawn out of stories rather than any contemporary written account. But it will still give us some insight into what was happening at this time, and besides, it'll be a good foundation to better understand the people of Yamato as we move forward. Until then, thank you for all of your support. If you really like what we're doing, please tell your friends, and feel free to rate us on iTunes, Spotify, or wherever you listen to podcasts, it really helps. If you feel the need to do more, we have information about our Ko-Fi site over at our main website, sengokuDaimyo.com/podcast, where we'll also have some photos of various artifacts from around this time, as well as references and other material used for the episode. Questions or comments? Feel free to tweet at us @SengokuPodcast, or reach out to our Sengoku Daimyo Facebook page. That's all for now. Thank you again, and I'll see you next episode on Sengoku Daimyo's Chronicles of Japan.

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