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Date now on Bumble. Hello
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everyone. Welcome to Conspiratory Podcast where
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we investigate the intersection of conspiracy
1:27
theories and spiritual influence to
1:29
uncover cults, pseudoscience and authoritarian extremism.
1:31
And today I can add to
1:34
that tagline that so much of
1:36
the social and political conflict we
1:38
study boils down to the
1:40
question, at whose expense
1:42
will you pursue your personal freedom
1:45
and what will you lose on that journey?
1:48
I'm Matthew Remsky. We
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are on Instagram and threads at Conspiratory
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Pod and you can access all of
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our episodes ad free plus our Monday
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bonus episodes on Patreon or
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just our bonus episodes. via Apple subscriptions.
2:02
We're independent media creators and we appreciate
2:04
your support. My
2:06
guest today at long last is
2:08
historian Neil J. Young, who you
2:11
might know as the co-host of
2:13
the excellent Past Present Podcast, along
2:16
with our friend Natalia Petruzella and
2:18
Nicole Hemmer. His first
2:21
book from 2015 was
2:23
We Gather Together, the Religious Right and
2:26
the Problem of Interfaith Politics, and it
2:28
explored the rise of the religious right
2:30
and the challenges of building alliances amongst
2:33
conservative evangelicals, Catholics, and
2:35
Mormons. He writes for The
2:37
Washington Post, The Atlantic, CNN, The Los
2:39
Angeles Times, Vox, Political Slate, and The
2:41
New York Times. But he's here
2:44
today to talk about his new book out
2:46
just now called Coming Out Republican,
2:48
A History of the Gay Right.
2:50
Welcome to you, Neil. Thank
2:53
you, Matthew. It's great to be here. Now,
2:55
I hope you're okay as I gush for
2:57
a little bit over this book and encourage
2:59
listeners to go out and buy it. Is that
3:01
all right with you? Oh, please, gush away. I love it.
3:04
I'm not exaggerating or
3:07
blowing smoke. I read a
3:09
lot of good books. I talk to a lot of
3:11
great authors, but this is a book
3:14
that makes the project of intellectual
3:16
life worthwhile. You know,
3:18
there's history as fact, there's history
3:20
as storytelling, but then there's
3:22
history as felt experience. And you really managed
3:25
to do all three here in
3:27
a rich and layered and
3:29
deeply researched diorama of stories
3:31
that illuminate the lives of
3:33
conservative gay men as they
3:35
embody this original American paradox
3:38
I pinged it at the beginning, which
3:41
is whose expense or at whose expense
3:43
will you pursue personal freedom? So
3:46
in the broadest strokes, what
3:48
you've written is an account about
3:50
how beginning in the aftermath of the
3:52
Second World War, many American
3:54
gay men, often from socially
3:56
conservative and religious families from which they
3:59
had struggle to individuate, but not necessarily
4:01
rupture if they could help it, hitched
4:04
the wagon of their political hopes
4:06
to a Republican party they believed
4:09
would champion their privacy and individual
4:11
civil rights, but which eventually
4:13
led a culture war
4:15
against them. And
4:17
then even as that tide turned, many
4:20
of these entrepreneurs, community organizers,
4:23
and political strategists kept
4:25
their shoulders to the unforgiving wheel
4:27
of respectability and politics.
4:30
Is that a good summation, Neil?
4:32
I think that that's a really smart
4:35
interpretation of so much of this narrative.
4:37
Definitely it's a major theme of the
4:39
book, this notion of
4:41
respectability. And that notion and
4:44
the way it's employed by very
4:46
different actors changes a lot over
4:48
time, which I think is an
4:50
important part of the history here.
4:52
To that broader question, the 30,000-foot
4:54
question, I kind of
4:56
wanted to propose that when
4:58
any marginalized or stigmatized group
5:00
seeks dignity, it's
5:02
like they face a fork in the road. Are
5:05
they going to revolt against the basic power
5:07
structures of the dominant culture, or are they
5:10
going to assimilate into and master those same
5:12
structures? So in documenting the
5:14
history of the gay right, it
5:17
seems that you're really illuminating the
5:19
advancements, the compromises, and the regrets
5:21
of those that choose
5:23
respectability. Totally. And
5:26
you're right to remind us that this
5:28
is a very common debate
5:30
within so many different movements, especially
5:32
social movements. Think of debates within
5:35
the Civil Rights Movement or the
5:37
Women's Rights Movement. I think also
5:39
within the broader LGBTQ rights movement,
5:41
which path do we pursue for?
5:43
How do we show ourselves to
5:46
be deserving of the things that we're arguing
5:49
for? That's a commonality
5:51
across so many movements. Many
5:53
Republicans figure in
5:55
this history really interestingly because for
5:58
much of the history, with
6:00
a broader consensus of gay and
6:02
lesbian persons who believe that,
6:05
I'm more talking about the 50s, the 60s,
6:07
the 1970s here, who believe that in order
6:10
to have a visible presence in American
6:12
life, let alone to have any rights
6:14
granted to them, they have to act
6:16
and behave a certain way. That
6:19
becomes an argument that becomes
6:21
more and more conservative over time,
6:24
as it does in every social movement, but that
6:26
one that these gay Republicans are
6:29
particularly positioned to continue to
6:31
uphold, even as much of the
6:33
LGBTQ left has started to
6:35
dispense with it, or it becomes more of
6:37
a internal debate on the
6:39
left, where it remains a sort
6:42
of consistent philosophy for gay Republicans.
6:44
So I have a second top
6:46
line question, which is really a
6:48
proposition related directly to our beat
6:51
on conspiratuality, which is
6:53
that when one belongs to a marginalized group,
6:56
one will be targeted by conspiracy theories.
6:59
They will say that you are
7:01
corrupting the youth, ruining families, depressing
7:03
morale in the military, or erasing
7:05
the difference between men and women.
7:07
They will say that you have
7:09
an agenda, and in response,
7:11
you may attempt to ingratiate yourself to
7:13
say, no, I'm not like that, I'm
7:15
one of the good ones,
7:18
I'm one of the good gay men,
7:20
and so on, and this might not
7:22
work. Yes, although I think
7:24
it's not a surprising strategy, given
7:26
especially the degrees of
7:28
oppression and persecution on gay
7:31
persons for much of the period of history
7:33
I'm talking about, to say that the
7:35
things that I'm being charged with are completely
7:38
false. They have nothing to do with the
7:40
life that I'm leading, and let me show
7:42
you. Again, let me show you how respectable
7:44
I am, how patriotic I am, how upstanding
7:47
I am, how clean cut and
7:49
gender conforming I am. I mean,
7:51
these are all strategies. Again, not
7:53
only that gay Republicans are using,
7:55
especially in these early decades, but
7:57
that gay Republicans continue to assert.
8:00
through the decades, it works in many ways,
8:02
but it also doesn't work. And
8:05
I think it depends on who the audience
8:07
is and where these messages are effective and
8:10
where they weren't. And I
8:12
think a lot of the strategy of gay
8:14
Republicans was we're never going to reach the
8:16
far-right wing nuts of our own party or
8:18
of our own conservative
8:20
movement. But there's a
8:22
lot within the Republican Party who
8:25
are libertarians, who have sort of
8:27
different ideas of politics that we
8:29
can reach. And also there's a
8:31
broad swath of middle Americans who
8:33
are sort of moderates or independents
8:35
who we can shift and that
8:37
we can change their minds through
8:39
our conservative appearances, through our conservative
8:41
reputation. And so, you know, one
8:44
of the things I think is
8:46
interesting about this demographic
8:48
I'm writing about is the way in
8:50
which they employed different strategies with different
8:52
audiences and to see how they were
8:54
successful and where they weren't successful, what
8:57
sort of ways they moved progress
8:59
forward and other ways how
9:02
they accommodated a sort of backlash
9:05
conservatism that never went away.
9:07
Let's turn then to a couple of those
9:09
stories. There are so many in the book,
9:12
it's kind of hard to choose a few
9:14
or where to start. But
9:16
the two that I've chosen, I think, give
9:18
us a doorway into the entire world that
9:21
you reveal. There's one
9:23
story that expresses a philosophical and theoretical
9:25
paradox in gay conservative life. And
9:28
then there's a second that presents a kind of psychological
9:30
crisis. Now, the first one
9:32
comes in the chapter called For
9:34
God and Country, where you recount the life
9:36
and times of Leonard Matlovich. And to give
9:38
a sense of how catchy the prose is,
9:41
I'm going to read the opening graph if
9:43
that's okay with you. Pinned
9:45
on his Air Force Blues, technical
9:47
sergeant Leonard Matlovich wore a bronze
9:49
star and a purple heart alongside
9:51
a large array of military ribbons.
9:55
Underneath the medals still lodged inside
9:57
his body were other reminders from
9:59
his time Vietnam War. Metal
10:01
fragments embedded in his arm and torso
10:03
from a landmine he had stepped on
10:06
during his second tour of duty in
10:08
Da Nang. Most soldiers would have retired
10:10
from combat after that, but
10:12
after four months in the hospital, Matlovitch
10:15
promptly signed up for his third tour.
10:17
When he finally returned to the United
10:20
States, the shrapnel in metals marked him
10:22
as an American hero, but
10:24
even they couldn't protect him from what
10:26
the US military would do once
10:29
he made his announcement to the world. I
10:32
am a homosexual, read
10:34
the oversized headline on the September
10:37
8th, 1975 issue of Time magazine,
10:39
bearing a photograph of Matlovitch in
10:41
his Air Force uniform, making it
10:44
the first news magazine to feature
10:46
an openly gay person on its
10:48
cover. It's quite a moment, Neil.
10:50
You know, this was a shocking
10:52
moment. And one I didn't know
10:54
about before I researched this
10:56
book, but Matlovitch was considered
10:59
the most famous gay man in America
11:01
in the 1970s. Now, granted, there wasn't
11:03
a lot of competition, right? Because there
11:05
wasn't there weren't very many out gay
11:07
men. But he's famous
11:10
before Harvey Milk is famous. His announcement
11:12
had been planned out well in advance in
11:15
coordination with the ACLU. And
11:17
it was calculated to force the military into
11:19
discharging him in a way that would allow
11:21
him and his lawyers to challenge that discrimination
11:23
in court. And observers at
11:26
the time noted his perfect positioning
11:28
for the role. He's a decorated
11:31
veteran and patriot. His
11:33
masculinity seems to be unimpeachable.
11:36
But he wasn't exactly an ally to all
11:38
gay men, was he? No, and I don't
11:40
think that that would be a word he
11:42
would have even used for himself. Like, I
11:45
don't think that that was part of his
11:47
consciousness. He was a fierce individualist. I mean,
11:49
he was a conservative Republican,
11:51
and he had grown up in a
11:53
very conservative Southern family, a very
11:56
racist Southern family. He had dispensed
11:58
without racism himself. experiences he
12:00
had in the U.S. military, but he
12:03
retained a fierce commitment to what he
12:05
believed was individualism. And
12:07
he thought what he was doing was
12:09
he was pursuing his right to serve
12:12
in the U.S. military, which he believed
12:14
was a constitutional right that he had,
12:16
one that he thought would allow him
12:18
to be the upstanding patriot
12:21
that he believed himself to be, and
12:23
also that he obviously believed that, you
12:25
know, in securing this right, it would
12:27
extend to others. So he
12:29
knows and he believes that he's part of
12:31
something larger than just him, but he
12:34
doesn't imagine a sense of
12:36
politics that is expansive, that
12:40
allies him with others like him as
12:42
much as he just thinks, like, I'm
12:44
going to achieve this legal victory and
12:46
that'll benefit others as well. Well, I
12:48
think your summary statement says a lot
12:51
in the chapter. You write that he
12:53
hoped his public profile would show straight
12:55
Americans that gay men and women were
12:58
just like them, everyday folks
13:00
who loved their country and wanted
13:02
to defend it, not radicals who
13:04
wanted to remake every aspect of
13:06
American life. So I guess
13:08
the question is, was that a
13:10
naive hope? Yes and no. I
13:12
think in a lot of ways it aligns with what
13:15
a lot of folks on the LGBTQ left or the
13:17
gay left, as it were, in the 1970s were also
13:19
thinking. Again,
13:22
what we've talked about is, you
13:24
know, show yourself as honorable, as
13:26
respectable, as hardworking, doing the
13:28
right thing and let that shift Americans'
13:30
attitudes about us being promiscuous degenerates,
13:33
about being, you know, all the
13:35
sorts of things that gay men
13:37
and women were believed to be
13:39
in these years. And it was
13:41
successful. I mean, it's amazing how
13:43
much his public image shapes and
13:46
changes public perceptions about homosexual persons
13:49
in these years. But
13:51
also it's not enough,
13:53
right? I mean, he certainly doesn't win his
13:55
legal battle and his
13:57
visibility also inspires a large a
14:00
larger backlash that we see taking
14:02
place and just starting to form in
14:04
these same years that we know
14:06
really culminates or at least grows
14:08
to a sort of fever pitch in the 1980s for
14:12
a whole host of reasons, including the
14:14
emergence of HIV AIDS. But there's
14:16
a way in which he's both changing
14:19
public perceptions and
14:21
also reinvigorating a
14:24
deeply held homophobia in the country
14:26
that's stimulated by his
14:29
public presence and all the
14:31
attention he's getting. But I will say
14:33
that one other thing, and I think that this
14:35
is a consistent theme of the people I'm writing
14:37
about in this book and
14:39
of I think a particular strategy of
14:42
gay Republicans is that
14:44
they really had a long
14:46
view of history in mind, that
14:49
what they were doing was slowly developing
14:51
change and that this was going to
14:53
take a long time. And Leonard Matlevich,
14:55
he doesn't live to see, I mean,
14:57
he dies in the late 80s, so
14:59
he dies far
15:02
before there's the sort of
15:04
transformation of military policy, let alone all these
15:06
other things that he might have cared about.
15:10
But he's setting something in motion that I
15:12
think is really, really important. He's laying a
15:14
foundation upon which the end of
15:16
Don't Ask, Don't Tell several decades later is
15:19
built. We will return to the
15:21
backlash in a moment, but I
15:23
want to pick up on your
15:25
mention that his early years were
15:27
steeped in Southern racism. Because
15:30
as you mentioned, at a certain point, he
15:32
turned seemingly 180 degrees to begin
15:34
to learn
15:37
and take on the language of the civil rights
15:39
movement. But studying
15:41
the strategies of Martin Luther
15:43
King Jr. is not
15:46
really the same as developing an
15:48
intersectional working model of justice, is
15:50
it? Yeah, definitely not. And he
15:53
did not have an intersectional model
15:55
of justice at all. So he
15:57
grew up in a very racist family. He
16:00
lived most of his life in
16:02
Georgia, South Carolina, Florida. He
16:05
was sort of a typical white southern
16:07
racist of this period. The
16:09
military transforms his ideas. He sees
16:11
black soldiers that he
16:13
really admires fighting alongside him
16:15
in Vietnam. He has black
16:18
officers who are above him, who
16:20
he really respects. And this, to
16:23
his credit, really reshapes his mind and
16:25
his thinking. And he actually ends up,
16:27
when he comes back from the battlefront
16:29
and pursues his sort of
16:31
longer career in the military, he
16:33
is a race relations instructor. And
16:37
so he's teaching these courses about sort of
16:39
civil rights within the military structure when
16:41
he's also making these decisions about coming out
16:44
publicly. He however,
16:46
and I think that this is true for a
16:48
lot of gay Republicans, they
16:50
cite the civil rights movement
16:52
as a sort of justification for
16:54
their own cause. But it
16:56
doesn't mean they embrace
16:59
a politics that's rights-based
17:01
or that, as you say,
17:03
is intersectional. As
17:05
much as they just think, okay, there's been
17:07
the civil rights movement, there's been the women's
17:09
rights movement, we're next. You know, it's sort
17:11
of this notion of history. History is progress.
17:14
These things have happened. We are
17:16
tying ourselves to those traditions from
17:19
the standpoint that we're up next. Give us
17:21
our rights and leave us alone. This
17:24
isn't about, you know, let's connect
17:26
together and form a broader remaking
17:28
of American society. Part of what
17:31
he's resisting is this notion that,
17:33
you know, radical gay
17:35
liberation rhetoric will provoke a
17:37
more repressive backlash. But as
17:39
you've noted, backlash
17:42
comes nonetheless. I
17:44
wonder if you
17:47
think heteronormative culture will
17:49
strike back at the
17:52
socially acceptable or straight identified
17:54
gay men with a
17:57
kind of equal wrath to the
17:59
way that they strike at the radical because,
18:01
I mean, in one sense, it
18:03
might be said that guys like Matlavich
18:05
from a conservative point of view or
18:08
a socially conservative point of view are
18:10
lying, aren't they? That, you know, he
18:12
only looks like a real man, a
18:14
real patriot. And isn't that imagined deception
18:17
perhaps more dangerous? Yeah,
18:19
I think that that's absolutely a
18:22
response that someone like Matlavich can
18:25
generate. But I also think that like
18:27
this works in multiple ways. He was
18:29
seen as an American hero. I mean,
18:31
if you look at the coverage of
18:34
him, it was astonishing me to think
18:36
about like this is being written in 1975,
18:38
1976, when there's horrible public attitudes about homosexuality
18:42
and like all these articles are talking
18:44
about like what a masculine
18:46
hero this man and all these women
18:49
are being quoted saying, you know, if
18:51
he were straight, I'd want my daughter to marry him,
18:53
but I certainly would love him to be my next
18:55
door neighbor. So that is happening.
18:57
And that's, that's part of the
19:00
changing response that someone like him
19:02
is bringing about. And also, there
19:05
is a response
19:08
that I think you're right to
19:10
point us to, which is even
19:12
more inflamed, because how dare he
19:15
try and pass himself as
19:18
a hero? How dare he claim to be
19:20
masculine when he sleeps with men, right? How,
19:22
you know, it generates
19:25
an even stronger vitriol because
19:28
it's attached to the very
19:30
things that they say homosexuals
19:32
cannot be. And so
19:34
I think that that's the sort of
19:36
attention that you see in both his
19:38
life and his public representation and also
19:40
in the larger history here. Okay. So
19:42
the second story that I wanted to
19:44
focus on, John Hinson, maybe
19:47
you can give us the 101 on Hinson. Sure.
19:50
John Hinson was a man from
19:53
Southern Mississippi. He ran for Congress and
19:55
he wins in
19:58
the late 1970s. But
20:01
before that happened, he had worked in
20:03
Republican politics in Washington, DC for most of
20:06
the 1970s. All
20:08
the while he's doing this, he is having
20:11
sex with men in Washington,
20:13
DC. In Parks,
20:15
he's also someone who survives
20:18
the Cinema Follies fire, which was
20:20
a fire that happened
20:23
at a gay adult
20:26
theater in Washington, DC in the 1970s. It
20:29
killed nine closeted men,
20:32
and he was one of the few
20:34
survivors from that. So this was never
20:36
known until years later, but he's rescued
20:38
from the fire. He runs
20:40
for Congress. He's also at one point
20:43
arrested for having sex beside the
20:45
Iwo Jima Memorial, which was a
20:47
very popular pickup spot at the
20:50
time. He was doing whatever
20:52
he could to hide his secret, including
20:55
he has a fiancé while he's
20:57
running for Congress, who he is
20:59
constantly showing at campaign
21:02
events. And he's
21:04
not the only closeted gay
21:06
Republican who is presenting himself
21:08
as a social conservative in
21:11
this period. There's also another congressman named
21:13
Bob Bauman, who's married and has four
21:16
children and has this very public image
21:18
as a devout Catholic, and
21:20
certainly one of the leaders of the
21:22
social conservative movement that's taking shape in
21:24
the late 1970s. There's
21:27
also Terry Dolan, who is another closeted
21:29
gay man. He is single. He
21:31
doesn't pretend to be straight. But
21:34
Terry Dolan is the head of an
21:36
organization called the National Conservative Political Action
21:38
Committee, which is a
21:40
grassroots conservative organization that's very important
21:43
to the election of Ronald Reagan
21:45
in 1980 and also the movement
21:47
of social conservatism. All of these
21:50
men are choosing different strategies to
21:53
conceal their homosexuality. One
21:56
of those strategies I think that all of
21:58
them are using is a very aggressive conservative
22:01
politics and a very aggressive,
22:03
conservative reputation and conservative presentation.
22:05
That's what I want to
22:07
get to. And I just
22:09
have to compliment you and
22:11
say that you're very disciplined
22:14
in the book to stick with history and not
22:16
to veer too far into psychology, which
22:18
is good because you really could
22:20
go a long way down that
22:22
slippery slope. I
22:25
have this feeling in reading these stories
22:27
that the conflict between liberation
22:29
and compliance is this existential matter
22:31
for everyone and that your subjects
22:34
really illuminate how that happens and
22:36
what's at stake. But
22:38
with regard to Hinson and Bauman
22:40
and Dolan, when a
22:43
person is that terrified of
22:45
his own nature and how he will
22:48
be punished for it, does
22:50
it make sense that he would
22:52
legislate against his fellows to you?
22:55
Do these guys show us a hidden
22:58
reactionary principle that the repressed
23:00
person might want a society
23:02
in which he remains disciplined and his fears
23:04
remain at bay? Yeah, I think so. And
23:07
I think, think about in the case of
23:09
Bauman, who was also a devout
23:11
Catholic. So I think there's both the political and
23:14
the religious ways
23:18
in which discipline and strictures
23:20
on this life are
23:23
both upheld and engaged. And also in
23:25
the case of politics, he's
23:28
at the forefront of helping push an
23:31
anti-gay legislative agenda forward. I mean,
23:33
it's also striking that up
23:35
until this time, Congress had barely done anything
23:37
when it came to, not
23:40
even gay rights, but like there wasn't really
23:42
legislation that was punitive.
23:45
And he starts developing a series
23:48
of legislation that's designed to do exactly
23:50
that. Now, obviously there's a longer history
23:52
where the federal government, especially through the
23:54
Lavender Scare, has been a very repressive
23:56
force against homosexuals. But the sort of
23:59
later. 70s, early 80s, anti-gay
24:01
legislative politics. He's at the forefront of
24:03
that. And I think you're
24:06
right. I'm not a psychologist. So
24:08
I didn't really develop this
24:10
theme too deeply. It
24:12
was something that I grappled with as I wrote about him
24:14
and the others. Like, why are they doing this? You
24:17
know, he could have been a conservative congressman
24:20
who just didn't touch this sort of legislation,
24:22
but he's actually leading it. And he's a
24:24
leading spokesperson around it. What all is going
24:26
on there? Does he think this is actually
24:28
a way in which he covers
24:30
up his life and
24:33
it's part of the facade? And I
24:35
think it's partly that. But
24:37
is there also something like deeply
24:39
psychological at work here about his
24:41
own self-loathing, about his own self-acceptance?
24:43
I think that that is part
24:45
of it too. I had to
24:47
wonder whether these figures could
24:50
have been caught or still are
24:52
some of them in a feedback
24:55
loop of enacting policies that make
24:57
their own criminalized sexual activity more
25:00
arousing, more appealing in a way. Yeah,
25:03
I think that that's an interesting theory.
25:05
I'm not, again, a psychologist and certainly
25:07
not a sex therapist, but I
25:10
think that that is a very
25:12
possible interpretation of a lot of
25:14
this behavior. One of the things that I think maybe
25:16
helps us think about this in terms of Bob Bauman
25:18
was, so he's
25:21
eventually busted in an FBI
25:23
sting that's happening around a
25:25
sort of drug trafficking, sex
25:27
trafficking ring in
25:30
Washington, DC in the late 1970s that the
25:32
police and the FBI had been watching for
25:34
years. And Bauman
25:36
is arrested as part of this
25:38
bust because one of the sex
25:40
workers that he often went to
25:43
was arrested and that sex worker coughed
25:45
up Bauman's name knowing he's a congressman.
25:49
This will be a good name to cough up. But
25:51
one of the things that comes out is Bob
25:54
Bauman was notoriously going to this very
25:56
dingy gay bar that was known to
25:58
be a hang out and
26:01
he was driving there and parking his
26:03
car in front of this bar that
26:06
had a congressional license
26:08
plate on it. So he could
26:10
have been so easily caught years
26:12
before this FBI bust was
26:15
fully developed. And so what does that mean
26:17
that he took those risks?
26:20
Is that part of the erotic charge
26:23
that he was actually creating for himself?
26:25
Of danger? Of am I
26:27
getting away with this? Will I get away with this? And
26:30
I think also the politics he pursued
26:32
is like an aspect of that sort
26:34
of behavior additionally. Turning to
26:37
a much darker note, every aspect
26:39
of gay life in America changes
26:42
catastrophically with the HIV AIDS crisis.
26:45
There's a huge death toll. There's paralyzing fear.
26:48
It's a nightmare for dignity and
26:50
self-perception. So suddenly the, quote
26:52
unquote, corrupting influence of gay
26:54
men on American life is
26:56
now a medical or pathological
26:58
phenomenon. It's a material
27:01
reason to start talking about quarantining
27:03
men or tattooing infected men on
27:05
the ass, thanks to Bill Buckley.
27:07
That was his idea. But
27:10
there's also a kind of unexpected twist within
27:12
gay politics at the height of the crisis,
27:15
which is that it's gay Republicans who
27:18
start advocating for greater
27:21
personal responsibility in places like San Francisco.
27:23
They start arguing that strong measures have
27:25
to be taken to prevent the spread
27:28
of the virus. And
27:30
really it's the left-leaning gay men who
27:32
reject any notion of restricting personal freedom
27:34
and pleasure. And it
27:37
just seems like this is
27:39
interesting in relation to
27:41
some of the political alignments that
27:43
polarized around public health during COVID.
27:45
Totally. And I'll just add that
27:48
I was writing this chapter
27:50
and actually this whole book at the
27:52
height of COVID lockdown. So it
27:54
was really interesting for me, especially to
27:57
write about HIV AIDS and these ideas
27:59
about public health. In the 1980s, as I sat
28:01
inside my house in 2020 and 2021, gay Republicans show
28:09
a really fascinating development in this
28:11
period because in the first
28:13
half of the decade and first of
28:15
all, we should say that the heart
28:17
of gay Republicans, really the birthplace of
28:20
gay Republicanism is San Francisco, which may
28:22
surprise listeners. Half of my book is
28:24
set in California, which
28:26
read the book and you'll understand more about
28:28
what the history there is. But in
28:31
these years, the largest gay Republican
28:33
organization in the country is this
28:35
group called Concerned Republicans for Individual
28:37
Rights, which is founded in 1977
28:40
in San Francisco. It's now known today as
28:42
Log Cabin Club of San Francisco. It has
28:46
250 members in the mid 80s.
28:48
It's the largest Republican organization period in
28:50
the city of San Francisco in this
28:52
time. And it is a fiercely
28:55
libertarian organization. And what that means
28:57
in the early years of the
29:00
HIV AIDS crisis is the folks in
29:02
this group believe that the government shouldn't
29:04
tell them what to do with their
29:06
bodies. You know, I know the individual
29:08
risk I can take. I have bodily
29:10
autonomy. I can make my own personal
29:12
decisions about my life and my
29:14
body and my and my I
29:17
can make my own medical decisions. And also
29:19
the government shouldn't shut down the bathhouses, which
29:21
is what the San Francisco Public Health Department
29:25
was trying to do. And gay Republicans are
29:28
at the front lines of stopping the bathhouse
29:30
closure in the 1980s. However,
29:33
by the late 1980s, when
29:36
the epidemic has become so deadly,
29:38
and it's become particularly devastating for
29:41
gay Republicans, I mean, much
29:43
of the club dies away, they start to
29:46
shift their politics. And this
29:48
this idea of personal freedom, which originally they
29:50
meant I can do whatever I want with
29:52
my body, don't tell me what to do
29:54
with my body becomes a different
29:56
sort of discourse of personal
29:59
responsibility. and I
30:01
should become a monogamous person and
30:03
we should advocate
30:05
for monogamy within the broader
30:08
gay community. And this is really the basis
30:10
by which they start arguing in the late
30:13
1980s for the right to
30:15
same-sex marriage. We need to have
30:17
same-sex marriage because the institution of
30:19
marriage is a conservative one. It
30:22
will domesticate and tame gay men.
30:24
This is what they're saying. This
30:26
will help curtail the disease. And
30:29
also, if we do this, then
30:32
again, this goes into the politics
30:34
of respectability. We'll no longer
30:36
be demonized. We'll no longer
30:38
be vilified. And we'll show ourselves again
30:40
to be good, upstanding citizens and other
30:42
rights will be extended to us. And
30:44
also, we're going to now start attacking
30:46
the LGBT or the
30:48
gay left for being these
30:51
hedonistic, promiscuous, all
30:53
the sorts of things that the American right
30:55
is saying about gay persons in general. I'm
30:57
just waiting for the news as to whether
31:00
or not your PR is going to be
31:02
able to set you up with an interview
31:04
on Fox News so that we can watch
31:06
the brains explode when you go through
31:08
this story because this is such a
31:10
complete inversion of what we're fed from
31:13
the conservative movement today.
31:16
I wanted to pick up on something
31:18
that I just realized in listening to
31:20
you speaking about the heart of the
31:22
modern gay Republican movement being in San
31:24
Francisco. It was very clearly drawn
31:26
out in the book that this had so
31:29
much to do with entrepreneurship
31:32
that coming out of the 50s and
31:34
60s, your chances
31:36
for steady employment as an openly
31:38
gay man were very, very low. And so what
31:40
would you do? You would open a shop. You
31:43
would open a restaurant. You
31:46
would become a self-made person. And
31:48
I think that really unlocked the
31:50
core of libertarianism that you're trying
31:53
to really demonstrate in this book.
31:56
Totally. And this was a big part of the
31:58
common element of the book. those who joined the
32:01
gay Republican clubs in California, both in
32:03
San Francisco and in Los Angeles and
32:05
Southern California, lots and
32:07
lots of entrepreneurs. Again, many of
32:09
them had also moved to California
32:11
from other states, as many
32:13
a Californian has been transplanted here, like yours
32:15
truly. They came out west for job opportunities,
32:18
and also because many of them were sort
32:20
of fleeing the repression that they had experienced
32:22
on the East Coast or in the Midwest,
32:24
that they could easily be fired from their
32:27
jobs if it was found out that they
32:29
were gay. So they move out
32:31
west to a more tolerant environment in
32:33
general, and also they develop their own
32:35
small businesses. And with that,
32:38
they sort of have a libertarian politics.
32:40
And one of the log cabin clubs
32:43
on their newsletter, they had some
32:46
motto along the lines of keeping the
32:48
government out of our bedroom and out
32:50
of our wallets. And those were deeply
32:53
linked together in the minds
32:55
of the sorts of persons in California
32:57
who were drawn to gay republicanism in
32:59
these years. So bringing us up to the
33:01
present, the gay right
33:04
is doing very little, and sometimes
33:06
working against the interests of
33:08
trans people in terms of legal
33:10
protections. And this is
33:13
happening in an era in which it really
33:15
counts. So from Andrew
33:17
Sullivan to Andy Noe to
33:19
Dave Rubin, the
33:21
idea is that trans people are
33:23
some kind of threat to gay
33:25
men. How do they
33:27
reason that out? Yeah, this is a
33:30
challenging topic to write about,
33:32
in part because this aspect of
33:34
American life right now is changing
33:37
so quickly. And in
33:39
writing a book, especially as a
33:41
historian, it becomes often
33:44
uncomfortable and awkward to write about stuff that's
33:46
happening. This unfolding as you're writing, because you
33:48
want the vantage point of 20 years of
33:50
history. And I was
33:52
finishing up this book a good year before it
33:54
came out, and knew so much of this story
33:56
was even going to change between now
33:58
and then. I think
34:01
the trans politics issue has been
34:03
something really fascinating to watch on the right
34:06
and also particularly on the gay right. And
34:08
you know those three names that you mentioned,
34:10
I would say even among the three, they
34:12
have different positions here. I mean, Andrew Sullivan
34:14
really believes and says over
34:17
and over again that he supports trans rights
34:19
and I think you see that in a
34:21
lot of his writings, especially in terms of
34:23
what it means for the Supreme Court decision
34:25
and other legislation that he's been an advocate
34:27
for and he really strikes
34:30
a clear line between what he
34:32
says are trans rights for adults and
34:34
what he and others call this radical
34:36
gender ideology that's being forced on children.
34:38
But some of the other names you
34:40
mentioned, I think they don't sort of
34:42
break apart these politics in those ways
34:44
as much as they sort of just
34:46
invoke a trans threat that
34:49
is happening, that's being forced
34:51
on the American people in general and also
34:53
that a lot of them argue is
34:56
a threat to gay men because they
34:58
see trans politics as really an ideology
35:01
of gender and of
35:04
an ideology that seeks to actually
35:06
destroy gender and to destroy the
35:08
gender binary. And if that is
35:10
the case, they argue, then maleness
35:12
and femaleness no longer exist. No
35:14
one will ever be called a
35:16
woman again, no one will ever
35:18
be called a man again. Like
35:20
this is the future that they're imagining and
35:23
if men can't say they're men and if
35:26
homosexuals can't say that what
35:28
they are attracted to is
35:30
another biological man, then this
35:32
is a threat to homosexuality
35:34
itself. And it's such a
35:36
fascinating line of
35:38
argumentation to advance because it's
35:40
of course being directed to
35:42
conservative audiences and
35:45
to uphold homosexuals as a
35:47
threatened vulnerable minority
35:50
group that is endangered
35:52
by the emergence
35:54
of trans politics and
35:57
that that argument again is being directed to
35:59
a conservative audience. and it is quite
36:02
successful. I think it's really working.
36:04
It's just fascinating to watch. It's
36:06
not like gender essentialism ever worked
36:08
in gay men's favor prior, did
36:10
it? Yeah, I
36:13
don't think so. But I mean, I think that
36:15
what's really interesting here is that gay
36:17
men are being upheld
36:20
as victims of this among
36:22
an audience who has never
36:25
really been historically interested in
36:28
thinking about the vulnerability of
36:30
gay men previously. So it's
36:32
wild to watch. My last
36:34
two questions are about how
36:36
I think we all relate
36:38
to this subject matter. But
36:41
I also want to talk about how
36:43
you relate to it because this
36:46
book maintains a very solid
36:48
third-person omniscient historian's distance. There's
36:51
no first-person gay male historian
36:53
positionality to be found in
36:55
it. There's no caveats, apologies,
36:57
positionality statements. There's no coming
36:59
out memories. And I
37:02
think this distance is a consequential
37:04
choice that, in my opinion,
37:06
gives the book a lot of mainstream
37:08
capital because it does not feel as
37:10
though it was written from the margins,
37:12
even if it was. And
37:15
because of that, I think
37:17
its stories feel broadly relatable
37:19
and normal, if
37:22
I can say that. And I'll
37:24
even say that the choice honors
37:26
the subject in a way because
37:30
it feels like it comes from a slightly different
37:32
era. It seems to strike the attitude of, you
37:34
know, my personal life is none of your business.
37:36
It doesn't have any bearing on the matter here.
37:38
So I want to see if you can just
37:41
tell us a little bit about making that choice.
37:44
I love it. My narrator's voice is
37:47
a gay Republican because we don't know what
37:50
all is involved in my private life,
37:52
right? In part, it's a function of
37:54
my publisher and the
37:57
way that this book developed as, you know, part
37:59
of its trade arm for a university press. And
38:01
I think it might have been a bit of
38:03
a different book if it had been with a
38:05
different publisher, but as a historian
38:07
and as someone, as a scholar who
38:10
is writing for the trade arm of
38:12
a university press, I really sort of
38:14
maintained that historian voice in this. And
38:16
I thought about sort of personalizing my
38:19
introduction, inserting myself into it, but
38:21
that felt like it just didn't feel
38:23
like the right choice given the rest
38:26
of the book having like no sense
38:28
of me as the author, inserting
38:31
myself into the text. And
38:34
yet at the same time as the author, I
38:37
feel deeply on the page of
38:40
every page of this book, I realized
38:42
for a reader, they're not
38:45
going to pick up on that necessarily. But I
38:48
will say if there's questions about like
38:50
my biography and how that ties to
38:52
this project, I grew up
38:54
in a Republican family. I always knew
38:56
I was gay. I was always interested
38:58
in politics and conservatism. That's all shaping
39:01
the choices I make here as an
39:03
author. I'm not a gay Republican. Actually,
39:05
one of the things that's been really
39:07
funny and also oftentimes quite
39:09
disappointing is how
39:11
people are assuming that I
39:14
have written a memoir. So I'm getting
39:16
especially like nasty DMs or nasty messages
39:18
on Twitter or to my email of
39:21
like, how dare you and you're so
39:23
messed up and all this sort of
39:25
stuff. And I'm like, people, please read
39:27
the full title of this book. Just
39:30
take a second to think about it. This is
39:32
not a memoir. And even if it were, it's
39:34
not nice that people
39:36
would so viciously respond to me. But I'm
39:39
not sure if I'm answering your question, but it
39:42
was a deliberate choice to
39:44
sort of keep a distant
39:46
historical narrator's voice through this
39:48
project. But also, I Think
39:51
one of the great opportunities of getting to
39:53
talk about this book now that it's out
39:55
in the world. And places like podcasts and
39:57
in the articles that I'll be writing is.
40:00
To sort of make myself a little
40:02
bit more of the story of the
40:04
work itself, I'm how this project came
40:06
to be. I'm and how how I
40:09
relate to that. I have to say
40:11
that the question comes out of this
40:13
feeling that there's a deep empathy on
40:16
every page that just has to come
40:18
from lived experience. And so that's really
40:20
my last question. You know you approach
40:22
your subjects in a way that has
40:25
to be guided by your own experiences,
40:27
how they reckoned with their conservative families,
40:29
their communities, You know,
40:31
and you do play your cards
40:34
close to the chest when it
40:36
comes to over judgments on how
40:38
the gay right navigates that sick
40:40
it. But by the end as
40:42
you build up to like very
40:45
cursed spectacles like that oath you
40:47
know groups like gays against groomers
40:49
which weaponize white masculinity against those
40:51
who are more marginalized, you do
40:54
point a cautionary finger at moral
40:56
bankruptcy. So maybe we can finish
40:58
with what would you. Say too
41:00
Young gay men out there. About
41:03
how they can help see these things
41:05
more clearly, how they can help build
41:07
a better world. Yasir saw to say
41:09
I think that's absolutely right that the
41:12
empathy I have for many of the
41:14
characters in The Spark, specially in the
41:16
early decades, is one that I think
41:18
is. Tied to their
41:20
relate ability to my own life and
41:22
and my own experiences in a growing
41:24
up in a concert, a family conserve
41:27
community of thinking about the ways and
41:29
west's one makes choices to keep those
41:31
relationships and tact and to grow and
41:33
develop. Mom and I think again a
41:35
lot of the historical actors here I
41:38
could really relate to and sympathize with
41:40
the decisions they were making, even if
41:42
I don't necessarily agree with her in
41:44
a broader politics and terms of you
41:46
know what what I say to gay.
41:49
Guy young men men Today I
41:51
think that this book especially in
41:53
the and is a cautionary to
41:55
how about the limits of individual
41:58
and some as Mrs. I. Think
42:00
that there is an admirable
42:02
component to the individualistic tradition,
42:04
an American history and the
42:07
one I think of the
42:09
story of Salts shows a
42:11
lot of the the benefits
42:13
of of are sort have
42:16
individualistic model I think we're
42:18
seeing. I'm especially now the
42:20
dangers of an overly individualistic
42:22
mindset. This is a time
42:24
for especially game and to
42:27
recognize dad our history has
42:29
been. Tied to a broader
42:31
sense of community, I'm and our broader
42:33
sense of community has given us the
42:36
right so we have benefited from. and
42:38
to think about what that means for
42:40
thinking about others who are much more
42:42
vulnerable and this moment a massive sort
42:44
of pull up. It's the latter behind
42:47
us, but to think about who right
42:49
now is vulnerable among our choices can
42:51
save the politics of now because I
42:53
think one of the things you're really
42:55
seeing on the Right is or weaponization
42:58
of homosexuality. It's really. Dangerous.
43:00
Because of the way in which of
43:03
sort of positions gay rights as accomplished
43:05
and I just adjust in the closing
43:07
pages that we might be skeptical of
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