Episode Transcript
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0:00
And the second president Bush . In his
0:02
administration the motto was
0:04
no more suitors . Republicans
0:07
wanted justices who
0:09
would be reliable . That
0:11
is , adhere to the Republican
0:14
position on the Constitution
0:16
. And the Republican position from
0:18
1980 forward had
0:21
been we should overrule . Roe
0:23
versus Wade we should
0:25
hold . Affirmative action is
0:28
unconstitutional . We
0:30
should not expand any
0:32
rights of criminals . And
0:34
then in this century
0:36
there's been a decided move on
0:38
the Republican side of getting
0:41
more guns and more God out
0:43
in public . And over the
0:45
last two years the
0:47
Roberts Court , as I described
0:50
earlier , has been implementing
0:52
that Republican agenda in
0:54
very rapid succession .
1:02
Welcome to Deep Dive with me , Sh
1:04
C Fetig . If you've been
1:06
paying attention to this podcast and you should
1:08
be you know that I've become particularly
1:11
cynical about the United States Supreme Court
1:14
. The current conservative majority
1:16
is the result of political maneuvering
1:18
on the part of the Republican Party denying
1:20
President Obama the ability to cede justice
1:23
in 2016 following the passing
1:25
of Justice Scalia , and then
1:27
ramming through the confirmation of Amy Coney
1:29
Barrett in record time , just before
1:31
the 2020 election , after the passing
1:34
of Justice Ginsburg . Additionally
1:36
, the way that this current court makes decisions
1:38
seems unnecessarily egregious
1:40
and thin . One needs
1:42
only read the Dobs decision over Turning Roe
1:45
to get the sense that this current Roberts Court
1:47
couldn't care less about the fact that it's
1:49
stripping a fundamental right from
1:51
a majority of people in the country and
1:53
, in doing so , advances a flimsy
1:55
legal theory and , in its writing
1:58
, needlessly offends wide swaths
2:00
of the American public . The court
2:02
is also embroiled in continuing sagas
2:04
related to ethics and impartiality . The
2:07
leak of the Dobs decision underpins how far this
2:09
court has become removed from some of its
2:11
core and basic procedures , and
2:13
the steady flow of reporting related to the lavish
2:16
gifts that both Justices Alito and Thomas
2:18
, have accepted from people with business before the court
2:20
, coupled with the fact that Justice
2:22
Thomas is currently participating in cases
2:24
that arise from a coup attempt against the
2:26
country , that , while still remains unclear
2:28
the extent to which his own wife
2:30
was involved , and in the past month
2:33
, the court fast-tracked a hearing to determine
2:35
Trump's ballot access and strongly suggested
2:38
in oral arguments that they will ensure his name
2:40
remains on the ballot , while simultaneously
2:42
slow-tracking hearing arguments on
2:44
Trump's claim of presidential immunity , potentially
2:47
foreclosing any possibility that he'll
2:49
be going to trial and any of his federal indictments
2:51
before the election . All
2:53
of this has muddied and sullied the view of the court
2:55
, and it's reflected in public opinion
2:57
. In September of 2000
2:59
, gallup reported a 62%
3:01
approval rating for the Supreme Court . In
3:04
September of 2021 , gallup
3:06
reported a 40% approval . Approval
3:09
of the court and the court's legitimacy are
3:11
not merely abstract concepts
3:13
. They are the bedrock upon which public
3:15
trust and the acceptance of his decisions
3:17
rest . When justices are
3:19
perceived to be politicians with robes , the
3:22
very foundation of the judiciary as an impartial
3:25
arbiter is called into question . But
3:27
still , I wonder , is this current robbers court
3:29
that much different from its predecessors ? And
3:32
particularly , I consider a court that I've studied
3:34
and written about , the Warren Court . In
3:37
its time , it was considered transformational , disruptive
3:40
and for many Americans its decisions
3:42
were illegitimate . Is this Robert's
3:44
Court different in any meaningful ways
3:46
? To get at that , today I'm
3:48
talking to Lucas Powe , a former
3:50
law clerk to Supreme Court Justice William Douglas
3:53
and a current professor of government
3:55
at the University of Texas at Austin . Professor
3:58
Powe is a towering figure in legal
4:00
academia and he holds the prestigious
4:02
Anne Green Regent's Chair in law . He's
4:05
written many books , including the Supreme Court
4:07
in the American Elite 1789 to 2020
4:10
, american's Lone Star Constitution
4:12
, how Supreme Court Cases from Texas Shaped
4:15
the Nation and , my personal
4:17
favorite , the Warren Court and American Politics
4:19
. These have all garnered critical acclaim
4:21
and are considered seminal works in the field
4:24
. Powe was also a principal
4:26
commentator on the 2007 four-part
4:28
PBS series , the Supreme Court , which
4:31
, if you haven't seen it , is worth watching , especially
4:33
given how the court has changed since the series
4:36
was made . A few housekeeping
4:38
notes . I'm particularly honored
4:40
to have Lucas on this episode . He's never done
4:42
a podcast before but agreed to this
4:44
conversation because he feels this moment
4:46
for the court is particularly important
4:48
in our nation's history . But because
4:50
he doesn't do podcasts he's not set up for
4:52
podcasting and you'll notice it in his audio
4:55
just letting you know . But it's a minor
4:57
thing and the conversation is well worth it
4:59
. Also , we recorded this on
5:01
January 16th , so we do
5:03
reference some things that happened last week
5:06
that have now actually happened a few weeks ago
5:08
. All right , if you like
5:10
this episode or any episode , please
5:12
give it a like on your favorite podcast platform
5:14
and or subscribe to the podcast on
5:16
YouTube , and if you have any thoughts , questions
5:19
or comments , please feel free to email
5:21
deepdivewithshawn a
5:23
gmail . com . Let's do a deep
5:25
dive . Powe
5:32
Powell , thanks for being here . How are you ?
5:34
I'm fine thanks .
5:36
So I'm excited to have you here to talk
5:38
about the court , the evolution
5:41
of the court and , given some context
5:43
, what it all means . Because the
5:45
current Robert's Court is a very
5:47
conservative one , after years of a
5:49
relatively moderate court , and
5:51
it's been transformational in a very
5:54
short period of time . So in about
5:56
the last three years it's dramatically expanded
5:58
our understanding of Second Amendment rights , it's
6:00
eliminated affirmative action In most
6:03
areas , it's shrunk the administrative state
6:05
, it's overturned row embraced originalism
6:07
, and it's difficult not to see
6:09
this through the lens of personnel change
6:12
and politics . But I'm aware
6:14
of and have been involved in conversations with
6:16
folks about , other courts in American
6:18
history that were also very consequential
6:20
. The Warren Court immediately comes to mind , and
6:23
I'm not sure how to equate this current
6:25
court to those of the past . In essence
6:27
, I guess , is this current court truly
6:29
risking its legitimacy and acting
6:31
outside of norms and expectations , or does
6:33
it just feel that way in this moment ? So , to
6:35
your mind , when comparing the Robert's
6:38
Court to previous courts , particularly the Warren
6:40
Court , which is known for its decisions
6:42
on civil rights , criminal justice and
6:44
individual liberties , what key
6:46
differences stand out in terms of things
6:49
like judicial philosophy , decision-making
6:51
, impact on constitutional law ? And
6:53
then do you think this court is doing anything suspect
6:56
or unusual ?
6:57
Well , let me say this court was intentionally
7:00
put together . You had President
7:03
Bush nominating John Roberts
7:05
and Samuel Alito and his father
7:08
putting Clarence Thomas on
7:10
the court , and then President Trump getting
7:12
three appointments in just four
7:14
years , with
7:16
guests of Stalia and
7:19
Ginsburg and the encouraged
7:22
retirement of Justice Kennedy
7:24
. So what you have
7:26
with the Robert's Court is one
7:28
that Republicans , presidents
7:31
and senators wanted
7:34
a conservative court , and
7:36
they very intentionally got
7:38
it . What makes it different
7:41
from the Warren Court is that the Warren
7:43
Court came together by accident
7:45
. When Earl Warren is
7:47
nominated as Chief Justice , there
7:50
are only two liberals on the court Hugo
7:53
Black and William L Douglas and
7:56
Warren is nominated as Chief Justice
7:58
by President Eisenhower , both
8:01
because I called Warren a
8:03
favor and I thought that
8:06
Warren's governing California
8:08
was gonna be very much like
8:10
the way Eisenhower tended to govern
8:12
nationally . That put
8:14
a third liberal on the court , although
8:16
it took a couple of years to show that
8:18
. Then , just before the 1956
8:22
election , sherman Minton
8:24
on the court retired and
8:27
Eisenhower , with the election
8:29
in mind , told his attorney general
8:32
come up with a Catholic
8:35
Democrat for the seat , and
8:38
the result was William J Brennan
8:40
was appointed to
8:42
the court , and Brennan
8:44
was another liberal . He
8:46
met the standard that Eisenhower
8:49
laid out of being a Catholic
8:52
and a Democrat . But he surprised
8:54
Warren . And then , when John
8:57
Kennedy becomes president , he
9:00
has Felix Frankfurter
9:02
, the great conservative justice . Kennedy
9:05
has Frankfurter's biographer
9:07
go to Frankfurter
9:09
and put the proposition
9:12
if you retire , you
9:14
will be allowed to select your
9:16
successor , and
9:19
Frankfurter turned that down . And
9:22
then a year later Frankfurter
9:24
suffers a stroke that forces him
9:26
off the court and instead
9:28
of Frankfurter choosing his successor
9:30
, president Kennedy chose
9:32
Arthur Goldberg . He was secretary
9:35
of labor at the time and
9:38
Goldberg turned out to be a liberal . I
9:41
don't think Kennedy cared much one
9:43
way or another what his appointees
9:45
did , but with Goldberg he
9:47
got the fifth vote and
9:49
with five votes the
9:51
Warren court really comes into
9:54
being . And what the Warren
9:56
court is is a
9:58
court that is imposing national
10:01
values on the South
10:03
and on other outliers
10:05
in the United States . In
10:08
1965
10:10
, president Johnson , in
10:12
an interview with the prominent historian
10:14
, stated that never before
10:17
in our history have the three
10:19
branches of government work
10:21
better together . And
10:23
what Johnson was articulating
10:26
was that the president
10:28
and Congress were doing what
10:31
they could do successfully
10:33
to create a great society
10:36
and the court was
10:38
working in areas where the
10:40
political branches couldn't
10:43
work or didn't want to
10:45
work and that comes out
10:47
initially with dealing
10:49
with segregation in the South . But
10:52
it goes beyond . The court
10:54
is demanding that malapportioned
10:57
legislatures reapportion
10:59
themselves on a one-person
11:02
, one-vote basis . The
11:04
court is strikes down school
11:06
prayer , which was a nice
11:08
Protestant exercise that
11:11
violated the separation
11:13
of church and state and
11:15
made Jewish students feel
11:18
unwelcome . In that the
11:20
court liberalized obscenity
11:22
law , moved it out of the
11:24
Victorian era and
11:26
more in tune with mid-century
11:29
America . And finally
11:32
, and most controversially
11:34
, the Warren court entered
11:36
the world of criminal procedure , which
11:38
no one had been willing to touch , and
11:42
made states comply
11:44
with the Fourth Amendment's
11:47
ban on unreasonable searches
11:49
and seizures and saw to
11:51
it that the poor
11:53
criminal defendants , those in poverty
11:56
, both got a lawyer and
11:58
became aware of their rights not
12:00
to incriminate themselves . And
12:03
that was the Warren court
12:05
that I just described was
12:07
the most liberal court in American
12:10
history by far , and
12:13
President Johnson was celebrating
12:15
it . But , as I stated
12:17
at the beginning , it came together
12:19
by accident . Beginning
12:22
with Richard Nixon , there's
12:24
been basically a
12:26
Republican goal Can
12:29
we get our own Warren court
12:31
? And the Republicans
12:33
have missed with their
12:35
appointments . The first , president
12:37
Bush , put David Souter on
12:39
the court and the second
12:41
, president Bush in his administration
12:44
. The motto was no more suitors
12:46
. Republicans
12:48
wanted justices who would be
12:50
reliable . That
12:52
is adhere to the Republican
12:55
position on the Constitution
12:57
. And the Republican position from 1984
13:01
had been we should overrule
13:04
Roe versus Wade . We
13:06
should hold affirmative action
13:08
as unconstitutional . We
13:11
should not expand any
13:13
rights of criminals . And
13:15
then in this century
13:17
there's been a deciding move
13:19
on the Republican side of getting
13:22
more guns and more God out
13:24
in public . And over the
13:26
last two years the
13:28
Roberts court , as I described
13:31
earlier , has been implementing
13:33
that Republican agenda in
13:35
very rapid succession . And
13:39
while what I described with the
13:41
Warren court , both Eisenhower
13:43
and Kennedy had they seen
13:46
everything , probably
13:48
would have been surprised at what was happening
13:50
. But currently , with
13:52
the six Republicans on
13:54
the Supreme Court , I don't think
13:56
Republicans are surprised at all
13:59
at what they're seeing .
14:01
So one of the things that we
14:04
take for granted is this understanding
14:06
that the Supreme Court , one of the things
14:08
that matters in decision
14:11
making , is staratous , ices
14:13
or precedent , and
14:15
to my mind it seems that
14:17
precedent actually acts as a backstop
14:19
, or potentially it's better to
14:22
characterize it as an obstacle
14:24
to the
14:26
conservative experiment with the court
14:28
. And maybe we've taken for
14:30
granted the power of
14:32
precedent because the Roberts Court
14:34
, especially in the overturning of Roe with
14:36
their Dobs decision , has been
14:38
accused of ignoring
14:41
precedent . And I guess
14:43
I'm wondering if you
14:46
think that precedent is under
14:48
attack with this court or if this was a one-off
14:50
. And if it is , what
14:52
does that mean for our structure and understanding
14:55
of how decisions are made by the court
14:57
system ?
14:58
Well , precedent's always been
15:00
a nice thing . Everyone
15:03
agrees , at least verbally
15:05
, that staratous ices should be
15:07
respected . But key to precedent
15:10
is how long do you
15:12
continue a decision that
15:15
you think is wrong and
15:17
very wrong ? I wrote
15:19
an article a decade ago looking
15:22
at just this problem and
15:25
it turns out that the principal
15:27
reason for overruling
15:30
a precedent is the current
15:32
court stating that
15:34
case was wrongly decided the
15:36
day it was handed down
15:39
. And much
15:41
has been made of the fact that
15:43
the current justices all
15:46
stated in their confirmation hearings
15:48
that of course Roe versus
15:50
Wade is settled precedent . Roe
15:53
versus Wade was settled precedent
15:55
right up until it was overruled
15:57
as a descriptive
16:00
matter . They were correct , it was
16:02
settled . The question which
16:04
they wouldn't answer , quite obviously
16:07
, is do you intend to unsettle
16:09
it ? But I don't find what
16:11
the current court is doing to
16:13
be significantly different
16:15
than what the Warren court was doing
16:18
. It's just coming out the other way
16:20
.
16:21
Yeah , I do wonder . I've had this
16:23
thought experiment with myself , which is
16:25
, were I living in
16:27
, cognizant and paying attention
16:29
during the time of the Warren court
16:32
and , being the person that I am , would
16:34
I be just absolutely fine with the outcomes
16:36
, despite the fact that they were
16:38
both chipping away a precedent
16:40
and , in some cases , just outright overturning
16:43
or ignoring precedent ? And
16:45
so , to that end , I have a
16:47
sympathetic and
16:49
only in that context view
16:52
of what the court is doing . But
16:54
I do wonder if it's been so jarring
16:57
that it throws
16:59
into question potentially what
17:02
else the court might have in its sights .
17:05
Yeah , I think when I said
17:07
the Warren court was imposing national
17:09
values on the South and
17:12
on outliers . If I look
17:14
at the last few years
17:16
of the Roberts court , it
17:18
looks to me like they're imposing Southern
17:20
and rural values on the
17:22
nation . I think the Warren court
17:25
, at least until
17:27
the criminal procedure decisions
17:30
, had pretty solid
17:32
backing in most of the United
17:35
States , the South excluded . What
17:37
the Roberts court is doing
17:39
does not have that kind of public
17:42
backing , as the backlash against
17:45
overruling row shows . And
17:47
indeed the Roberts court comes
17:50
about via presidents
17:52
who get through
17:54
the presidency by the Electoral College
17:57
while they're losing the majority
17:59
vote , and they're confirmed
18:01
with a Senate that is just
18:04
hopelessly dominated or
18:07
influenced by rural America
18:09
, lacking , again , lacking the
18:11
population of the
18:13
majority of the country , and
18:16
that's , I think those combinations
18:19
make the outcomes of the Roberts
18:21
court quite unsettling
18:23
.
18:24
So one of the arguments that's being
18:26
made about the
18:28
result of the Roberts
18:31
court's current behavior is that
18:33
it is negatively impacting
18:35
the court's legitimacy . One measure that we
18:37
do have is trust in the court . Going
18:40
back some time and it's at its lowest point , lowest
18:42
measured point , since it's being measured
18:44
, suggesting that this court
18:46
, for the first time in its history I believe
18:48
that it's consistently under 50%
18:51
trust in the court . I guess , if we
18:53
compare that to the Warren court
18:55
, do you think that people
18:57
in that era and
18:59
of that time had generally
19:02
more trust in institutions and were willing
19:04
to accept outcomes that they didn't like
19:06
, more so than they do today ? Or
19:08
is the Roberts court potentially putting
19:10
itself into some type of danger zone
19:13
by chipping away its legitimacy ?
19:16
I don't know if the Roberts Court is
19:18
putting itself in a danger zone
19:20
. There's no doubt at all
19:22
about the Gallup polls that
19:25
are showing trust in the court . It
19:27
is at historic lows . But
19:30
what that translates to I'm
19:32
not sure it may be interesting
19:34
. A week ago the Hawaii Supreme
19:37
Court flat out rejected
19:40
one of the Second Amendment
19:42
conclusions of the Roberts
19:44
Court and it's been a long
19:46
time since I've seen courts
19:48
just state you're
19:50
wrong , a lower court
19:52
saying that , and I think a lot
19:54
of Americans may do it . Remember
19:57
, when Bush v Gore
19:59
comes down , al Gore
20:01
within 24 hours concedes
20:03
the election to George Bush , no
20:06
matter what the courts would hold
20:08
in the future . I'm satisfied
20:11
that a number of Republicans would
20:14
not concede to the legitimacy
20:16
of the decisions , and I think a
20:19
number of Democrats are looking
20:21
at what the Roberts Court
20:23
is doing and suggesting
20:26
indeed just as so
20:28
to my , or has strongly
20:30
suggested that the court is undermining
20:33
its legitimacy . I
20:35
think time will tell on that , but
20:38
to the extent the court continues
20:40
to impose
20:42
minority positions on
20:45
the majority of Americans , I
20:47
think there will come a reckoning
20:49
at some point in time .
20:52
This is really interesting to me . I've
20:55
spent some time thinking about this and
20:57
first , let me say , with the Hawaii
20:59
Supreme Court decision , I found that fascinating
21:01
, and tell me if you think that I'm mischaracterizing
21:03
this , but my first thought was so
21:05
the United States Supreme Court is leaning
21:08
heavily into or at least
21:10
the majority of the justices are
21:13
leaning heavily into originalism to
21:15
help them arrive at their outcomes , whether
21:17
or not they already have a personal ideology
21:19
that suggests that's the outcome anyway
21:22
, and originalism is just the excuse
21:24
to get there . I don't know , but
21:26
I felt like , in an interesting
21:29
way , the decision coming out of the Hawaii
21:31
Supreme Court was almost like
21:33
them playing with originalism when
21:36
they said well , this is just
21:38
adhering to the traditional Hawaiian
21:40
spirit .
21:41
Yes , I had the same feeling
21:44
when I was reading the Hawaiian decision
21:46
, that they were showing that
21:48
you thought you were doing . Originalism
21:50
will show you what originalism is
21:53
. What I find strange
21:56
about originalism is the
21:59
amazing coincidence that
22:01
a political party in 2024
22:05
shares the same constitutional
22:07
views as Americans
22:11
held in 1791
22:13
. What are the odds of that happening
22:16
?
22:17
You know ? What else I find fascinating is originalism
22:19
almost assumes that the founders
22:21
are so short-sighted , and
22:24
perhaps stupid , that
22:26
they couldn't even imagine the country would
22:28
change over time .
22:29
Yeah , they don't come across to me
22:31
as stupid , yeah , no
22:33
. And to talk about we , the
22:35
people in the Constitution , when
22:38
we , the people , meant white
22:41
males .
22:44
So what I wanted to follow up with , as
22:46
it relates to originalism
22:49
and the court taking positions
22:51
that clearly run against majority
22:54
opinion or majority support and this perhaps
22:56
generating some not
22:59
just tension , but outright disobedience
23:02
, maybe is the right word on the part of democratic
23:05
states , maybe democratic cities and
23:07
I am both sympathetic to that and concerned
23:10
about it , because we definitely
23:12
saw some nullification in
23:14
the South during the period of the Warren
23:16
Court , and yet at the time there was
23:18
generally a strong sense
23:20
that you adhere to the court
23:23
even if you don't like the outcome . And
23:25
now I think , with liberals being on the other side
23:27
, I'm sympathetic both to the
23:29
court . If it stands for anything is that when
23:31
it makes these decisions , we all
23:34
essentially live with them , and on the flip side
23:36
, I'm also extremely sympathetic to the impact
23:38
that these decisions have on certain
23:40
people and in certain regions of the country . That
23:42
just run vastly counter to popular
23:44
opinion , and it makes me concerned
23:47
, even when I agree with
23:49
perhaps blue states or blue cities finding
23:51
ways around decisions not necessarily outright
23:54
nullification but what do you think the impact
23:56
of something like that would be ? Are we talking about a constitutional
23:59
crisis ?
24:00
It could be . I'm concerned
24:03
about the possibilities of nullification
24:06
because I think , in
24:08
general , the Supreme Court has served
24:10
the country well . We live
24:12
in 50 states . There needs
24:14
to be some unifying aspects
24:17
, as well as the diversity
24:19
that one gets from the fact
24:21
that there are 50 local governments
24:23
operating . It would be
24:26
, I think , a shame
24:28
and a crisis
24:30
if a number of localities
24:33
just deem that what the
24:35
Supreme Court is doing is illegitimate
24:38
and start to ignore
24:40
it . On the other hand , I should note
24:42
that when Justice
24:45
Barrett gave a talk
24:47
to state that the
24:50
court's legitimacy was intact
24:52
, she went to the Mitch McConnell
24:55
Institute at the University
24:57
of Louisville with Mitch McConnell
24:59
there , and it was almost
25:01
, as one person observed
25:03
, it was almost like McConnell
25:05
showing off a bass that he just
25:07
reeled in from the river . I
25:10
would have thought that any
25:12
other venue would have been a far
25:14
superior choice than going
25:17
to McConnell . Who's the
25:19
reason you're on the court
25:21
?
25:22
What do you think is happening there
25:25
? This is a good point . I think that
25:27
maybe Kagan and
25:29
Sotomayor I don't have
25:32
a read on Jackson as
25:34
well , but I feel like
25:36
they do a bit of the same where they're
25:38
in more friendly venues , but
25:40
I don't think they're as overtly liberal
25:43
as Alito , especially
25:46
, but also Barrett , as you just mentioned are choosing
25:48
these very friendly , very conservative
25:50
venues . How does that stack against
25:53
history and what do you think is going
25:55
through their minds ? Because they're relatively smart
25:57
people , so they must consider
26:00
the impact or the visual that
26:03
this provides to the public when they do this .
26:05
This is a newer phenomena
26:08
. In the 1960s
26:11
both Hugo Black and William
26:13
O Douglas did television
26:16
interviews . That was precedent
26:18
breaking . Justices
26:21
basically stay silent and
26:23
let their opinions speak for themselves
26:25
. Harry Blackman
26:27
followed up . He
26:29
certainly enjoyed the press quite
26:32
a bit because liberal
26:34
press was liking his role versus
26:36
Wade's opinion . You
26:38
now have Supreme
26:40
Court justices seeking
26:43
out much more publicity . I
26:46
think that Alito and
26:48
Barrett they clearly
26:50
are choosing very friendly
26:52
venues . I don't have the feeling
26:55
that Kagan is doing
26:57
the same . I think she'd be more
26:59
neutral . But I would prefer
27:02
if the justices , if
27:04
they've got to get out and public and say
27:07
things , would look for more neutral
27:09
venues to do so .
27:11
So we've talked a little bit about how justices make
27:13
decisions . We talked about originalism
27:16
and their justice , interpretation of the Constitution
27:18
, et cetera , but there are three other areas
27:21
that potentially influence how
27:23
justices make decisions , so I want to talk about them
27:25
, maybe in turn , and I'm hoping we
27:27
can talk about them in the context of how
27:29
do you think past courts have
27:31
been influenced by these things versus the
27:34
current Roberts Court ? And the three things
27:36
that I'm talking about here are their own
27:38
personal philosophies , politics
27:40
and political events and situations , and then
27:42
the third is public opinion . So
27:45
let's start with political events , politics
27:47
et cetera . So how influential
27:49
do you think political dynamics and
27:51
polarization in the country has been
27:54
on the Supreme Court in past , and
27:56
do you think it's any different now
27:58
on the current Roberts Court ?
28:00
I don't know how much politics plays
28:03
. There's one decision
28:05
that I can point to that I
28:08
think is perfectly political , and
28:10
that was the Supreme Court's decision in
28:12
Bush v Gore , where I
28:15
would bet everything that
28:17
the five justices in the majority
28:19
had , in November , voted
28:22
for George Bush and the four
28:24
justices dissenting had
28:26
not . What I would hit with
28:28
Bush v Gore is if
28:30
everything had been reversed , if
28:33
a Republican
28:35
Florida Supreme Court had
28:38
stated keep counting the votes
28:40
because Gore was showing a victory
28:42
and George Bush was needing more votes
28:44
, I find it impossible
28:47
to believe that the same five
28:49
would have reached the same conclusion
28:51
. So that is a perfectly
28:54
political case influenced
28:56
by politics . I don't
28:58
think others are
29:00
, because I think
29:02
the justices , at least
29:04
the recent ones , are coming to
29:06
the court as pretty firmly fully
29:09
philosophy intact
29:12
and they're just applying
29:14
the beliefs that they have had for
29:17
any long period of time to
29:19
the problems that come before the court
29:21
. So I don't think politics
29:24
as such does play
29:26
a role , and I don't
29:28
think it played that much of a role
29:30
in the Warren Court . I
29:32
think the court might have liked
29:35
, or would have liked very much
29:37
, to see Congress
29:39
and the president much more supportive
29:42
of their desegregation decisions
29:44
under Eisenhower and Kennedy
29:47
. They were hoping for a
29:49
Lyndon Johnson in a Congress
29:51
that would pass the Civil Rights Act
29:53
and the Voting Rights Act . That
29:55
certainly helps , but I do
29:57
believe that for
30:00
at least the current justices
30:02
, I think they have come to the court with
30:05
a pretty fully formed philosophy
30:07
, and I think that is
30:09
less so the
30:12
farther back we go in time .
30:15
You know , it strikes me and this is tell me
30:17
if you disagree with me here , but
30:19
I'm thinking , as you're speaking
30:21
, about the current environment and I
30:23
could absolutely be constrained by my
30:26
limited time and experience on the planet
30:28
but that as
30:30
our sphere of political
30:33
influence has increased and increasingly
30:35
creeped into every aspect of our lives
30:37
, it's perhaps easy to
30:40
see the court making a decision on almost
30:42
anything as being a politicized
30:44
court , when in actuality we have maybe
30:46
expanded the sphere of politics
30:49
or we've politicized so much in our
30:51
lives that the court itself couldn't possibly
30:53
make a decision on anything these days
30:55
without it somehow being political
30:57
.
30:58
I think that's a very astute observation
31:01
. We really have , especially
31:03
with the culture wars , just
31:05
turned everything into a political
31:08
donning group .
31:10
I want to ask you you mentioned Bush v Gore
31:12
. I wonder . I don't want
31:14
to . I don't know what . I don't
31:16
want to do . I don't want to sound histrionic
31:18
, but do you think that Bush
31:20
v Gore was a turning point or
31:22
a critical moment in the Supreme Court history
31:25
, and do you think it's done damage ?
31:27
I don't think it was a turning point and
31:30
I don't think it did . It did
31:33
damage . There was a Gallup
31:35
poll taken in September
31:38
of 2000 , and it
31:40
showed that 62%
31:42
of Americans had confidence
31:45
in the Supreme Court . There was
31:47
a second Gallup poll taken in May
31:49
of 2001 , and
31:51
it showed that 62%
31:54
of Americans had confidence in
31:56
the Supreme Court . So at
31:58
least within the timeframe
32:00
of Bush v Gore , it
32:02
didn't change public
32:04
perceptions . What
32:07
might change public perceptions
32:09
? Note that Bush v Gore is
32:11
followed up with , a decade
32:14
later , with Citizens United
32:16
striking down campaign
32:18
finance regulations . The
32:21
Republicans like that , the Democrats
32:23
didn't . And then , a decade
32:25
ago , the Supreme Court
32:27
gutted the key provision of the
32:29
Voting Rights Act , section 5
32:32
, which was covered
32:34
jurisdictions . Those
32:36
are decisions that really
32:39
do affect politics as
32:41
it goes . On the other hand
32:43
, chief Justice Roberts , as
32:45
near as I can tell , switched his
32:48
vote in the Obamacare
32:50
case from striking
32:52
down Obamacare to
32:54
upholding it at
32:56
a time that Obamacare was not particularly
32:58
popular . And
33:00
I think one can commend Chief
33:03
Justice Roberts for that vote
33:05
, which may have been influenced
33:08
by politics , in the sense
33:10
that if you have Bush
33:12
v Gore striking down campaign
33:14
finance , gutting the Voting Rights Act
33:17
, it would be quite something to take
33:19
the singular Democratic achievement
33:21
of the past 20 years
33:23
and strike that down .
33:26
So you mentioned that we are living in
33:28
a time when Supreme Court justices
33:31
are confirmed , with their
33:33
ideologies pretty much baked
33:35
in . We know what we're for the most part we know what
33:37
we're getting , which leads me to a
33:40
question about how much those ideologies
33:43
are influencing the decisions that they make
33:45
, because it sounds obvious
33:48
, right , that somebody's personal beliefs
33:50
, their experience , their ideology
33:52
, their partisanship are going to influence the way
33:54
that they think about things . I think that
33:56
we have this vaunted idea that
33:58
the Supreme Court , or the courts generally , are
34:01
applying maybe complex but
34:04
law and legal history
34:06
legal tenets to their decision-making
34:08
process , but yet they're
34:10
confirmed , with us knowing
34:13
quite a bit about their ideologies . So
34:15
I do wonder about their personal
34:17
philosophies and their backgrounds , their experience and their ideology
34:20
and how that influences , or
34:22
the extent to which it influences , the
34:24
decisions that they make and
34:26
the opinions that they write . And I immediately think about
34:28
Alito's decision in Dobs , which the
34:30
decision itself reads as very personal
34:32
to him and his
34:35
beliefs , but also seemed written to personally
34:38
speak to both supporters and opponents
34:40
of abortion , as opposed to taking a
34:42
very constitutional legal approach
34:44
that seemed really rooted in some type of
34:46
legal tenets .
34:48
Yeah , they've got their
34:50
personal philosophies , and their
34:52
personal philosophies tie
34:54
in with their views of the
34:56
Constitution . And
34:59
Alito's view of the Constitution
35:02
is that it says
35:04
nothing about abortion
35:07
, and textually it certainly
35:09
doesn't . And if
35:11
we apply the common
35:14
idea of the Republicans
35:16
and originalist Constitution
35:18
, he looks back and says well , abortion
35:21
wasn't protected in 1868
35:23
. There though , it's not protected
35:25
now , while another
35:27
side of the centers , even if they
35:29
didn't want to say
35:31
sorry to Cises , could state
35:33
at this time in our
35:36
American history , the
35:38
idea that a woman's
35:40
autonomy could
35:42
be controlled by legislatures
35:44
is just contrary to the American
35:47
spirit that a woman needs
35:49
to be able to control
35:51
her reproductive life in
35:53
order to control all other aspects
35:56
of her life and achieve full citizenship
35:59
.
36:00
We talked a little bit about public
36:02
opinion and historically
36:04
, public opinion perhaps
36:06
that ran counter to war and
36:09
court decisions were primarily region-based
36:12
, which is probably true to
36:14
the current court as well , in that
36:16
primarily blue states
36:18
and cities . Popular opinion runs
36:20
counter to a lot of the decisions that the
36:23
court is making and it would suggest that
36:25
the Roberts court , it seems anyway , is
36:27
not necessarily taking into consideration
36:30
public opinion in a way that we maybe would
36:33
want them to . But what role do you
36:35
think public opinion has played on the
36:37
Supreme Court in the past , how
36:39
it plays on the Supreme Court now , and
36:41
do we want the court to be considering public opinion
36:44
?
36:45
For the most part I don't think the court does
36:47
consider public opinion . I
36:49
think the justices are
36:52
deciding cases as they
36:54
believe are correct and just
36:56
and the public will have
36:58
to adjust to that decision
37:01
. Now it's nice when
37:03
you can align with public
37:05
opinion , as the court more
37:08
or less did in desegregation
37:10
, certainly did with
37:13
its reapportionment cases but
37:15
was out of step the war
37:17
and court was out of step with the criminal procedure
37:20
cases . And here
37:22
Dobbs is certainly out of line
37:24
with public opinion . But it appears
37:27
that the Harvard , north Carolina cases
37:29
striking down affirmative action
37:32
lines up pretty well with public
37:34
opinion In the case of
37:36
public opinion and guns . That
37:39
is such a rural
37:41
urban divide on that
37:43
where , as I was mentioning
37:46
, the Roberts court seems very
37:48
sympathetic to southern and
37:50
rural values and
37:53
much less sympathetic to
37:55
urban national values
37:57
.
37:58
So something else that's being part of
38:00
our political discourse as it relates
38:02
to the court in the past handful of
38:04
years is a lot of talk
38:07
about constraining the court via
38:09
maybe expanding the court , imposing term
38:11
limits , maybe age limits or limits on
38:13
the types of cases that the court can hear , et
38:15
cetera , and I think it would be easy
38:17
to say that liberals or Democrats
38:20
are all in on constraining
38:22
the court right now and conservatives are not , but
38:24
I haven't found that to be true . I have found
38:27
there to be quite a bit of deference on both sides
38:29
of the aisle to the court , although
38:31
the rhetoric about constraining the
38:33
court has definitely ratcheted up
38:35
a bit . Where do you come down on this , and
38:37
are there any reforms or safeguards that
38:39
you would propose to ensure the
38:42
effectiveness and impartiality of the court moving
38:44
forward ?
38:45
I'm on the record for the past 30 years
38:48
as favoring term limits for
38:50
Supreme Court justices . I've
38:52
taken the position that life tenure
38:54
should be limited to college professors
38:56
, and I would very much
38:58
like to see term limits where
39:01
each president during his
39:03
four-year term would get two
39:05
appointments . A justice can
39:07
stay on the court for 18 years
39:10
. I think a result of
39:12
that would be we'd probably
39:14
see the appointment of slightly
39:16
older justices men
39:19
and women who've got
39:21
more experience and more wisdom
39:23
rather than seeing how young
39:25
we can go so that we can
39:27
have this person for 30 to
39:29
40 years . Congress
39:31
also has the power to
39:34
shape the jurisdiction
39:36
of the court and has done so
39:38
periodically . I'm
39:40
more skeptical about doing that
39:43
. I would prefer to see the
39:45
justices limit themselves rather
39:48
than Congress do it , with the exception
39:50
of term limits , which I really , as
39:52
I state , I've been on the record for 30
39:54
years about that and I
39:56
believe strongly that that would
39:59
make a more representative and
40:01
probably a more legitimate
40:03
Supreme Court .
40:06
I often wonder what
40:08
it is about the court that we venerate
40:10
so much , and I don't mean the authority
40:12
or power that it has , and I don't mean the
40:15
fact that it is the final arbiter of
40:17
adjudication in the United States
40:19
. What I'm talking about is , across
40:21
not just the globe , but the United States itself
40:24
. We have numerous constructs
40:27
to adjudicate cases . We
40:29
have courts that have a lone judge
40:31
making a decision . We have juries of different
40:33
sizes making decisions . We have benches
40:35
of courts in different situations making
40:37
decisions , and over the course
40:40
of the Supreme Court's history , it's
40:42
evolved . The number of justices has
40:44
changed over time . They've sat in different
40:46
places , they've had different responsibilities . They
40:48
don't ride the circuit in the same way that they used to . So
40:51
it's not as if this current
40:53
configuration and
40:56
the job duties associated with it , and even
40:58
the jurisdiction of the court
41:00
, has just been set for time
41:02
immemorial . It has been something
41:04
that's evolved . So why do you think that we
41:06
are so ? We venerate the current
41:09
composition and structure of the
41:11
court so much that it
41:13
is unsettling to us to
41:15
consider changing that
41:17
.
41:18
Brown versus Board of Education . If
41:21
it weren't for the Supreme Court , the
41:24
South would still be a segregated
41:26
area of the country , with
41:28
their African-American citizens
41:30
being discriminated against in all
41:32
facets of their life , and
41:34
I think what the court
41:37
has managed to do in
41:39
the area of civil rights in
41:42
the 50s and the 60s
41:44
just gave an incredibly
41:47
strong legitimacy
41:49
to the Supreme Court . The
41:51
current court can bask in that
41:54
reflection , because what the court
41:56
did in the case of
41:58
desegregation was so
42:01
correct , so just
42:03
and overdue that
42:05
the court that's where I think
42:07
the warmest feelings about the court
42:09
come from .
42:11
Okay , lucas . Final question Are you ready for it ? Sure
42:14
, what's something interesting you've been
42:16
reading , watching , listening to or doing lately
42:18
.
42:20
A really good book that I asked
42:22
for as a Christmas present and
42:25
then read over the
42:27
Christmas break was Tim
42:29
Alberta's the Kingdom , the Power
42:31
and the Glory . Tim Alberta
42:33
grew up as an evangelical
42:36
Christian and remains an evangelical
42:39
to this day , but
42:41
he's writing about what
42:43
has happened with evangelicalism
42:45
over the past decade and
42:47
I thought the book was just excellent
42:50
and compelling and scary
42:52
right . Yes .
42:54
Yeah , very scary .
42:55
A belief that , a belief
42:57
in one man , more so than
42:59
the tenants of the 10
43:02
Commandments or the Sermon
43:04
on the Mount .
43:06
Speaking of really good books , I don't wanna
43:08
let you go without telling
43:10
you that I recently finished the Warren
43:12
Court in American Politics , which is why I
43:14
kept referring back and asking your
43:16
opinion about this current court to
43:19
the Warren Court . I just wanna let you know that I
43:21
loved that book . It was so well
43:23
written , it was so informative
43:25
, so well researched . So I
43:28
don't know if I'm thanking you for writing the book , but I just wanna
43:30
let you know that it was a great read .
43:32
Well , thank you , it was a labor of
43:35
love by me . It's my favorite book
43:37
.
43:37
Lucas Powe , I appreciate your time
43:40
. I appreciate your thoughts and the conversation . I've enjoyed
43:42
it . Thanks for stopping by Sure
43:44
.
43:45
you're welcome .
43:51
The judiciary's role as the guardian
43:53
of the rule of law and protector of individual
43:55
rights cannot be overstated . It
43:57
is the judiciary's independence and its impartiality
44:00
that ensure decisions are made based
44:02
on law , in fact , not swayed by
44:04
the winds of political change or the pressures
44:06
of the moment . In a hyperpolarized
44:09
, in many ways radicalized America , the
44:12
question of whether our courts can avoid politicization
44:14
and maintain independence and impartiality
44:17
is more pressing than ever . The
44:20
judiciary's role in a democracy is
44:22
not for the personal benefit of judicial officers
44:24
or one segment of the public or
44:26
political party , but to ensure that
44:28
all individuals have access to fair and impartial
44:30
justice . Protecting the
44:33
independence and impartiality of our courts is
44:35
essential to maintaining the public's trust in
44:37
the judiciary as a fair arbiter of disputes
44:39
and a defender of the Constitution and
44:41
the rights it guarantees . So
44:44
, as we head into a critical election that has incredible
44:46
implications for the future of American democracy
44:49
, it is crucial for all stakeholders
44:51
, including the judiciary , legal professionals
44:53
and the public us to
44:56
engage in efforts to preserve judicial
44:58
independence and impartiality by
45:00
understanding the challenges facing the judiciary
45:03
and advocating for measures that protect its
45:05
ability to function without undue influence
45:07
. By electing good civil servants
45:09
, dedicated to the promise of democracy over
45:11
party , we can help ensure that our
45:13
democracy survives and , hopefully , thrives
45:16
. The judiciary's independence
45:18
and its impartiality are not just legal
45:20
principles , but a promise of justice
45:22
and fairness for all . All
45:25
. Right , check back soon for another episode
45:27
of Deep Dive Chat . Soon
45:29
, folks , we will
45:33
see you
45:37
in
45:41
the
45:43
next
45:48
one .
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