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WBEZ's Nerd At Podcast
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is a show that helps you kick back and unwind
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Hello, I'm Alison
0:34
Larkin, writer, comedian, and
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narrator and host of the
0:39
Jane Austen podcast with Alison Larkin.
0:42
Whether you're a diehard Austen fan or
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you have yet to be introduced, I'm
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here to bring her stories into the
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21st century and offer you some new
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perspectives along with other Jane Austen
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lovers. I couldn't start
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this show with anything other than Pride and Prejudice,
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her most famous novel and a truly
1:01
timeless love story. Elizabeth
1:03
Bennet is a young woman who has
1:06
no interest in letting her mother marry
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her off to someone she doesn't love. And
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Mr. Darcy is a proud,
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rich aristocrat with strong
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opinions on the sort of woman he may
1:18
one day tolerate enough to marry.
1:21
Though seemingly at odds due to
1:24
their, you guessed it, Pride
1:26
and Prejudice, their complicated,
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slow-burn romance is sure
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to make even the cynics
1:33
swoon.
1:34
Be sure to listen and subscribe
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to the Jane Austen podcast with
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Alison Larkin wherever you get
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your podcasts.
1:44
Hey there, I'm Perry Carpenter, one
1:47
of the hosts of the Digital Folklore podcast.
1:50
And this is Digital Folklore Unplugged.
1:53
Unplugged episodes allow us to strip back
1:55
all of the production elements and the fancy
1:57
things that we like to do so that we can
1:59
focus on the content of
2:02
the interviews and bring you those
2:04
in a very unedited and raw
2:07
way. On today's episode, my
2:09
co-host Mason and I had the chance to
2:11
sit down with Dr. Lynn McNeil. If
2:14
you've studied digital folklore or
2:16
even folklore at large for a while, you've
2:19
probably heard the name Lynn McNeil before.
2:21
Her name is nearly synonymous with the
2:23
study of digital folklore. And
2:26
her voice has been instrumental in helping
2:28
people understand that our online
2:30
world is just an extension of
2:33
our lives in general. And because
2:35
of that, it's not only a place
2:37
where folklore can arise, but thrive
2:40
at a speed and a scale previously
2:42
unimaginable. So
2:45
on this interview, we all got so excited
2:47
about the topics that we're covering that we went
2:50
over two hours. And so from
2:52
a release perspective, we're breaking this
2:54
into two parts. This is
2:56
part one. And in it, Lynn
2:58
shares her thoughts on the intersection of
3:01
AI and folklore, conspiracy
3:03
theories, the interesting paradox
3:06
of studying folklore from an academic
3:08
perspective, and a whole lot
3:10
more. There's a ton packed into
3:13
both of these parts that we're releasing. Okay,
3:17
with that, let's get unplugged
3:20
with part one. Of our interview
3:22
with Lynn McNeil. We
3:26
thought we'd start off with maybe
3:28
talking about some of the things that have you
3:30
excited right now. So like when you think about
3:34
having a career as a folklorist
3:36
and somebody that teaches others like where
3:38
do you get your passion from right now? What are the things
3:41
that have you interested?
3:42
You know, in general,
3:44
the things that keep me and I imagine
3:46
any folklorist really engaged is that
3:49
folklore does not dilly
3:51
dally with things
3:53
that are no longer relevant, which is paradoxical
3:56
to a lot of people. We think of folklore as sort
3:58
of being this
3:59
out.
3:59
Moted maybe outdated older way
4:02
of thinking but really it is the
4:04
up to the moment Cultural
4:07
barometer that we have at
4:10
our fingertips to kind of say what's
4:12
going on right now And that's frustrating because
4:15
sometimes you really get into something
4:17
and then two days later you look around and gone
4:19
already But I find
4:22
that that ability to keep
4:24
up is one of the things that keeps me
4:26
most interested I have a student right
4:28
now working on the
4:31
AI Cryptid as some
4:33
people are calling her lobe the
4:35
creature who is emerging
4:37
through this almost ritualistic
4:40
Method of AI image generation,
4:43
which I love it's almost an unintentional
4:45
Oh, you were doing a ceremony and you didn't know it
4:48
and now here's this lady but
4:50
that idea as a means of
4:52
symbolically expressing how Uncomfortable
4:56
we all are right now with
4:59
artificial intelligence. I just feel like it's
5:01
perfect It's this incredible illustration
5:03
of the role folklore plays in
5:06
absolutely entertaining us challenging us
5:08
scaring us but also in articulating
5:12
for us
5:13
What we're stressed about
5:15
what we're worried about what we're
5:17
afraid of or what we're really into right now
5:19
And it's this it's not the work
5:21
of practiced artisans to
5:24
create a poetic turn of phrase. It's everyday
5:26
people communicating on this symbolic
5:28
level and I
5:30
Love it.
5:31
Yeah, I want to touch on lobe for
5:33
a second because and I've not done a deep
5:35
dive I've seen some of the surface level
5:38
news reports and some of the
5:40
Twitter the original Twitter thread and things like
5:42
this and it does look like One of
5:44
those issues where there there are questions
5:46
around whether this is a phenomenon that actually
5:49
happens or whether it was manufactured and
5:51
propagated By the first person to
5:53
tweet about it. Yeah, I think either way
5:55
it gets into those more existential
5:57
questions that you're talking about about
5:59
what are some of the horrors that AI
6:02
may bring forward. But then there's probably a
6:04
couple other things that come, which is, I would
6:07
love for you to touch on, does it matter
6:09
whether some of these are true when they
6:11
come out that way? Then also,
6:13
maybe some of the darker
6:16
side of that, which could be some of the othering
6:18
of disfigured people or things
6:20
like that that come through. Do you have any
6:22
thoughts there? I know I hit a whole bunch of stuff at
6:24
one time.
6:25
Yeah, no, definitely. All
6:27
of that is, I think what makes this so
6:30
compelling, we have this technology
6:32
that's available to us right now that appears
6:35
to do things we did not intend
6:38
it to do, which is distressingly
6:40
similar to things we might think of
6:43
as autonomy and free will and
6:45
mind of its own, which is we have sci-fi
6:47
about that, we have literature
6:50
about that. Now, we potentially have reality
6:53
about that, and it's hard to not color that reality
6:55
with other speculative fictional
6:57
things that we've had throughout time that always
7:00
tell us what it's going to do is kill us in the
7:02
end. We're burdened with that presupposition,
7:04
that invention. But
7:09
I think what we have here is a
7:11
situation as with so many legendary
7:13
situations, it doesn't matter at all if
7:16
it's true. There's
7:18
a multi-layered quality
7:21
to the truth of a legend. It
7:23
can be true as in literally true. It
7:25
can be true as in true folklore, is this true
7:27
folklore? That's a question that was asked
7:30
a lot early on about Slender Man. Not
7:33
people saying, is Slender Man real? But is
7:35
Slender Man a real legend? The
7:37
answer
7:37
is yes. Even though
7:40
we know to the day,
7:42
a time when he wasn't, he is now.
7:46
It's breaking that expectation of age, of
7:50
ancientness even as a marker
7:52
of folklore. We don't need that for something
7:54
to become a legend. The same
7:56
is true with Loeb. Was this a real legend?
8:00
really great, creepy pasta was this,
8:02
a performance art project, who cares?
8:05
Now it's folklore, now it's a legend,
8:08
and now it belongs to all of us, which is handy.
8:10
We know there's a person who originated this,
8:13
whatever ideas they had about what this would
8:15
be, they've set it in motion,
8:17
but now it's running
8:19
downhill really fast on its own. And
8:21
we're gonna get a lot of other artistic, folkloric,
8:24
perhaps even filmic versions
8:26
of this before we're done talking about
8:29
it. One of the things that strikes me is
8:31
how classically folkloric
8:34
the creation of Loeb was. We get this origin
8:36
narrative of a prompt that
8:40
is something like, give me
8:42
the opposite of
8:45
Marlon Brando. And we
8:48
get this abstract image that's
8:50
in there. So then, sort of as logical
8:52
humans, all right, so if I asked for the opposite
8:55
of this, is it gonna give me Marlon
8:58
Brando? That's an interest. Is that
9:00
how this machine works? And so
9:02
we have that reversal, and we all
9:04
know, I mean, dating back,
9:06
as far as we know in the study of folk belief, reversals
9:09
are big, ritualistic moments.
9:12
We invert things, we turn 180 degrees,
9:15
we turn our pockets inside out so
9:17
we don't get kidnapped by the fairies. We love
9:20
to reverse things and then have magical stuff
9:22
happen. And so here we have this reversal,
9:25
and this woman shows up with sort of these,
9:28
red, ruddy, perhaps even
9:31
bloody cheeks eyes, this very
9:33
piercing expression looking
9:36
out at the user. And it is a sort
9:38
of instinctively shocking thing. And as
9:41
more requests are made and more images are
9:43
generated, we start to see what
9:45
elements of this image become conservative
9:48
or consistent in this. And a lot
9:50
of it is the bloody eyes. A lot
9:53
of it is that it's women and then
9:55
children. And we do start
9:58
to see a big question. which
10:00
is where is this coming from? Is this us
10:02
or is this a reflection of
10:04
what we've put into AI and it's being
10:07
spit back at us or is this something
10:09
else? I mean, paranormal investigators have
10:11
long used the idea of instrumental
10:14
transcommunication to say that entities,
10:17
spirits, creatures will speak to us through
10:19
our technology, through flickering lights, through
10:22
electrical charge, all of this. Is this
10:24
simply an open gateway that
10:26
something is coming through? Or is this really
10:29
creepy because a lot of the stuff we input
10:32
into AI is really creepy. We've
10:34
seen it before with artificial
10:36
intelligences that went from naive
10:40
newborns to Nazis within
10:42
a matter of days because of what we
10:44
fed it. There is precedent for that. I
10:46
think existing in a world
10:49
of legend and folklore allows
10:52
for both of those things. This is a polyvalent
10:54
tradition. It is both. It is
10:57
a reflection of us and it is perhaps
10:59
the gateway through which something is coming.
11:01
That's really cool. As you were talking
11:03
about this, and I don't know that I've ever had this thought
11:06
before, but when you're training in AI
11:08
with a large language model and you're taking a big
11:10
subsection of the internet and human
11:13
communication, you will naturally get
11:15
belief injected into that because you
11:17
have the way that people communicate across
11:20
different cultures. And so it would be, it's
11:23
interesting, especially when you get to the generative
11:26
AI models where they're competing against each other
11:28
for supremacy, that the
11:30
thing that represents the fundamental
11:33
bits of human consciousness or the way that
11:35
we would approach things start to surface
11:38
and you get the distillations of things,
11:40
whether that be like a low board
11:42
or something else. Again, whether that was
11:45
intentionally manufactured or not, maybe beside
11:48
the point. But I do
11:50
think when you start to get to some of
11:53
the different manifestations of
11:55
things that come back from AI generated prompts,
11:57
you will naturally have the way that.
12:00
some human communities might get together
12:02
and represent those ideas. Absolutely.
12:04
I think it was Jan
12:07
Brinvant, very famous, amazing
12:09
legend scholar and folklorist who described
12:11
folklore as syntax.
12:14
It's the unconscious way
12:16
that we express ourselves. We use
12:18
words, we speak sentences, all of this. We're
12:21
not thinking like subject, verb,
12:24
object as we speak, it just comes
12:26
out that way. Yet if we
12:29
speak natural language into a machine,
12:31
it will divine that syntax for us
12:34
and communicate back with us that way. AI
12:37
really is divining the syntax
12:40
of our folk belief in a lot of ways, that we
12:42
may be wholly unconscious of. In some
12:44
ways, that's the job of a folklorist, is uncover
12:47
the unconscious syntax of what
12:50
are we not aware we're saying as we're
12:52
saying it. It's interesting to think
12:54
about the greater processing power and data
12:57
crunching capabilities of a machine. Is
12:59
that more accurate
13:02
in its reach and breadth, or is
13:04
that less accurate in its perhaps
13:06
in human inability
13:09
to do what we might call ethnography?
13:12
Can a machine conduct ethnography?
13:15
That's an interesting question. Well, I think part
13:17
of that is the thing that seems shocking when interacting
13:19
with these artificial intelligences.
13:22
Is there ability to contextualize things now?
13:24
That seems to be the level that has made things weird,
13:27
and there's enough of it to give the illusion that
13:29
they're capable of so much deeper thought that
13:31
the questions do arise. Also, just
13:34
a comment on the way you describe something that somehow
13:36
never clicked in my brain. The way we interact
13:38
with these is almost so much of a literal
13:41
summoning ritual of prompting
13:44
like, give me this, create this for me, and
13:47
using the proper words to get the results you
13:49
want. That's a weird parallel that I never
13:51
noticed until just now and that's fascinating,
13:53
I think.
13:54
The focus on prompting, that
13:57
there's going to be a skill set out there on the. the
14:00
horizon of how to construct
14:02
a prompt. What is that if not a proper
14:04
awareness of
14:05
ritual invocation?
14:07
Right. Your grimoire includes
14:10
things like RTX, Ultra HD,
14:12
Ultra Realism, or whatever. Well, and
14:14
if you don't do that right, you may get something
14:17
that comes through that you don't want, that
14:19
is undesirable or potentially
14:21
dangerous. One of the interesting
14:23
things that comes out when you start to read
14:26
what the security scientists
14:28
start to evaluate things like OpenAI
14:31
and the chat GPT model, is
14:33
they talk about the fact that AI has the ability
14:36
to hallucinate and it does it
14:38
with a certainty behind that.
14:41
I'm wondering if that hallucination is
14:44
the distillation of whether
14:47
that is collective belief because there's
14:49
enough indicators out there that it would put
14:51
together and make an inferential model that would then
14:54
say that that is certain, or if there's
14:56
something else there. I
14:59
don't think that that's something else there is woo-woo
15:01
or anything like that. I think that it is the
15:04
model will be naturally tainted
15:07
by or greatly influenced
15:09
by the subset of data that's been fed
15:11
into it, and the inferences that can come, and
15:14
that subset of data will naturally have
15:17
a bias if you're not sampling the dataset appropriately.
15:20
Which is a folk group type of belief,
15:22
right? You've essentially created an AI
15:24
folk group.
15:24
Yes, absolutely. What
15:27
do we not realize we're programming
15:29
it with? What inferences, what
15:31
assumptions, what traditional beliefs
15:34
are we unaware are infusing
15:37
our lives, maybe at such a scale that
15:40
we can't perceive it as an individual,
15:42
but when something that can look
15:45
at that much data at once, they see
15:47
a pattern that we don't see, and they feed
15:49
us back that pattern and we are freaked out
15:51
by it. I think that's fairly reasonable.
15:54
We're getting into really great metaphors for
15:56
divinity and religion and scale
15:59
and all of these. questions that I think make
16:01
this such a right place
16:04
for telling stories. Because of course,
16:06
we are going to tell stories about this
16:09
because we don't understand
16:11
it. That's a big thing
16:14
that we see in legend study and rumor
16:16
study is that when there is an information
16:18
vacuum, we fill it in
16:21
with folklore. Sometimes, and that's not to
16:23
say that folklore is therefore incorrect
16:25
or inaccurate or misleading,
16:28
but just to say that we are rarely
16:31
using it most when
16:33
we have other information
16:35
at our disposal. So we see there's
16:38
early, early rumor scholarship
16:40
by these two psychologists, Alport and
16:42
Postman, this is like the 1940s. They
16:45
came up with what they called, this
16:47
might be their later work, but the
16:50
rumor equation. It was basically
16:52
that the spread of any given rumor. A
16:54
rumor as a folklorist, I would understand that
16:56
to be a short form of a legend. A
16:59
legend is a whole story of rumors, just like
17:01
the kernel statement of what's
17:04
behind that legend. The reach of any
17:06
rumor they said is the
17:08
product of the ambiguity
17:11
of the subject multiplied by its importance.
17:14
So if we have a subject that in
17:17
our contemporary society is really
17:20
ambiguous, but not that important, we
17:23
don't feel provoked to spread
17:25
rumors about that. If we have something that's incredibly
17:27
important but super unambiguous, we know what
17:29
there is to know about it. Yeah, we're not going to need
17:32
to speculate to spread rumors or
17:34
legends to think about the plausibility
17:36
of that. But if we have a situation where
17:38
something is both ambiguous and
17:41
incredibly important to us, it
17:43
is just going to all be this constant
17:46
symbolic articulation
17:49
of concerns because we
17:51
need something to latch
17:53
onto
17:54
when it comes to something that is that
17:57
important to us, and also that totally
17:59
incomprehensible.
17:59
That is such a cool way to think about
18:02
that and that really makes a
18:04
lot of sense. I love that.
18:05
Yeah, I mean, and I think it's not an equation
18:07
that like holds up mathematically
18:10
to anything. I think it's more of an
18:12
ethnographic idea that they liked. I
18:14
mean, they use like little algebraic
18:17
symbols to expose it. But it's one of
18:19
those things that speaks to
18:22
a pattern that absolutely
18:24
exists.
18:25
Well, and you can see people intentionally
18:27
exploit that as well, right? I mean, that is
18:30
what early Q drops were in
18:32
the QAnon world. There are
18:34
people that are looking for meaning, looking for information,
18:37
have a certain worldview, and I'm going to throw out
18:39
an ambiguous statement that anybody
18:41
now can start to put whatever dots together
18:44
they want to and come up with all
18:46
these interesting theories. And that's what keeps that group
18:48
going until the next ambiguous bit
18:51
of information. That's a whole sidebar I really think
18:53
we should explore later because I think one of the things we want to do
18:55
when we get into season two is get into meme
18:57
warfare and disinformation, astroturfing, and all
19:00
of that stuff. So I think we should circle back to
19:02
that later. Yeah, I do too. Getting
19:04
ahead of us a little bit. Why don't we back
19:07
up and go general folklore
19:09
for a second? All right. From your
19:11
perspective, you do have a very well-known definition
19:14
for folklore. So imagine that
19:17
you have a group of all of our listeners
19:19
in a classroom and somebody says, well,
19:21
what is folklore anyway and why am I here?
19:24
What would you answer that?
19:25
Yeah. So, well, I'd answer it with probably
19:28
an hour-long lecture just so. You know,
19:30
step one. We're here for it. It's always going to
19:32
take. Thank you. It's always going to take more explaining
19:34
than it would seem to merit as a
19:36
subject. Nobody thinks folklore. I'm going
19:38
to need an hour to have that one explained to me. But
19:41
the way I define folklore is succinctly
19:44
as informal traditional culture. So
19:47
three tidy words, whole lot
19:49
of ideas encapsulated
19:52
in those three tiny words. So each
19:54
of them sort of need unpacking
19:56
a bit. I usually begin explaining
19:58
folklore by trying to... phrase
22:00
that we use for something, maybe it's a
22:02
way we make a paper airplane. We
22:04
learn that from the people around us, from
22:07
everyday people, from our families, our friends, through observation,
22:10
through non-specific learning. We grow
22:12
up hearing songs and jump rope
22:14
rhymes, and therefore we know them. We
22:16
might learn them at school, but we don't learn them through
22:18
school. That's that informal quality
22:21
of it. The traditional quality of
22:23
it gets at the idea that we're dealing
22:25
with repeated patterns, so that it's
22:28
not new content every time. A conversation,
22:30
the conversation we're having now, is informal. It's
22:33
not we're not scripted, we're not reading from, you
22:35
know, provided material, but it's not
22:37
necessarily traditional. Something becomes
22:39
traditional when we recognize, hey, I've heard that
22:41
before. I've seen that before. I've heard another version
22:44
of that. I've done this in another place. I've
22:46
done this jump rope rhyme, this hand clapping game.
22:48
I've heard this urban legend. I've
22:51
used this customary greeting with
22:53
someone before. And when we recognize
22:56
that traditional element, that, okay,
22:58
this is something that more than one person knows. It
23:00
exists in more than one place. It
23:03
has what other folklorists have called multiple
23:05
existence. That tells
23:08
us that this thing is traditional. It's passed
23:10
on from person to person. And because
23:12
it's informal, there's no single correct version.
23:15
And knowing that it is a culturally expressive
23:17
form helps us get at the idea
23:20
that it is a particular thing
23:22
that we express to other people.
23:24
So it's not just, though it
23:27
certainly touches on, the abstract knowledge
23:29
of informal and traditional things. It's
23:31
when it takes form, the form of a story,
23:34
the form of a custom, the form of a material
23:37
object, the form of a belief.
23:40
And that's where we derive
23:42
what we would call the genres
23:43
of folklore, the lore,
23:45
the actual way this stuff manifests.
23:47
And there's a lot of folklorists out there who are interested
23:50
in the nonspecific stuff, who in fact
23:53
feel that in the history of the discipline, that focus
23:55
on the lore, on the stuff was
23:58
maybe a little bit...
28:00
we recognize a Cinderella story even
28:02
when the name Cinderella isn't used and there's
28:04
no glass slipper. But when there are enough
28:07
elements there, we go, Oh, hey, I'm
28:09
hearing a Cinderella story. It's those conservative
28:11
elements that tell us it's the same story.
28:14
It's the dynamic elements that let
28:16
folklore adapt itself
28:19
to different cultural and communicative context.
28:22
So I can tell the same political
28:24
joke, but about a contemporary politician
28:26
rather than a past politician so that it's more
28:29
relevant to my audience. And that really
28:32
is the inherent power of folklore.
28:34
We're not stuck with the way something happened
28:36
the first time it was told. We
28:39
get to be constantly evolving and updating
28:41
it so that it remains the most
28:44
relevant, whether that's a contemporary society
28:46
on a broad scale or to my
28:48
friend group when I'm telling
28:50
the joke. So there was one other definition
28:52
that a professor that I had gave,
28:55
and this was from Zori Hurston,
28:58
where she says that folklore is the boiled
29:00
down juice of human living
29:03
or the potlicker of human living. It doesn't
29:05
really account for the tradition
29:07
and variation of that, but there's a
29:09
different heart to that as well, that it
29:12
is the thing that just comes out of people
29:14
being people and people being people in
29:16
community that I think is an interesting take
29:18
that she brings to that as well.
29:19
Absolutely. And I do think that
29:22
Zora Neale Hurston's definition
29:24
is so perfect because it is
29:26
so perfectly resonant, right?
29:29
That idea that folklore is this distillation
29:32
of people being people, that
29:34
is the feel of it. And what academics,
29:37
boringly, are constantly trying to do
29:40
is account for the specifics of it, right? How
29:42
can I factually say in
29:44
a way that is maybe applicable
29:47
across examples what
29:49
makes all these disparate things
29:52
the same type of thing?
29:54
How can I say that? And so these
29:57
deconstructions into informal,
29:59
traditional cultural conservatism and dynamism
30:02
or multiple existence and variation become
30:04
a tool. But
30:06
what the essence
30:07
of it is, is absolutely
30:09
that boiled down nature
30:12
of humanity. That's the value
30:14
of it. That's what it gives us. The tools
30:16
to study it and articulate it are
30:18
what academics
30:20
spend their time working on.
30:21
It just got me excited because in a very
30:23
similar vein, there was a friend of mine who started
30:25
listening to digital folklore, the podcast,
30:28
and had no prior background in learning
30:30
about folklore at all. Something they said
30:32
to me that I thought was really interesting, and I want to know your opinion
30:35
on very similar to this, is they were like, so it's kind of like
30:37
social metadata. I thought that was a really
30:39
interesting way to put it because they're like, it's all the
30:41
little underlying metadata encompassed
30:43
by these other things.
30:45
Yeah, that's really interesting because when
30:47
I think of metadata, when I think of
30:49
kind of meta anything, I think of an
30:52
upper scale, like almost a super organic
30:54
understanding of things. And when I think
30:56
of folklore, I think that is correct.
30:58
But I would almost call it a subtext,
31:00
like that idea of syntax is that it's
31:03
an underlying idea. It's not necessarily
31:05
the conscious discussion about
31:08
society or whatever, but it's more the subconscious
31:11
meta conversation about what's going
31:13
on. Alan Dundee's had a
31:15
term that is not in regular
31:17
use these days, but he called it oral literary
31:20
criticism. It's everyday people doing
31:22
the work of literary criticism on
31:24
themselves, basically, that
31:27
people are aware, people can give you, you
31:29
don't need a folklorist to say, what does
31:31
that story mean to you, grandma? Like grandma knows
31:33
what it means to her. A folklorist might have
31:35
a larger read by knowing there
31:38
are multiple examples of that story
31:40
out in the world, but we would never
31:43
turn away from a person's own explanation
31:45
of their own tradition or their own story.
31:48
And I actually think that's what sets folklore
31:50
studies apart as an academic discipline is
31:52
that there's not not trust
31:55
in in the sense of uncritical belief,
31:57
but there's trust in that. everyday
32:01
people are saying valuable,
32:03
viable things, even if they haven't
32:06
trained to say them. They are not published
32:08
authors, they're not fine artists, they're
32:11
not symphonic musicians, but
32:13
kids singing a parody about burning
32:15
down the school are saying something worth
32:18
listening to. We can even ask
32:20
them in a reflexive, ethnographic
32:23
way, what do you think this song means? They
32:25
might say, I don't know, it's funny. Or they might say
32:27
something that opens our eyes
32:29
to some perspective that we would not have had
32:31
before. I think it's that collaborative
32:34
relationship with everyday people that
32:36
acknowledgement that we are also everyday
32:38
people that the discipline really grew into
32:40
that really makes it
32:41
unique. I love that. Can I get
32:43
you really quick because we've used the
32:46
word ethnographic and ethnography
32:48
a couple of times now. That's a folkloric
32:51
term that not everybody may be familiar
32:53
with. Can you describe what that is and
32:56
the significance of that approach?
32:58
Yeah. Ethnography is at
33:00
its most basic semantic level,
33:03
description of culture, writing graph,
33:05
specifically writing about culture. It's
33:08
a practice that grew
33:11
up around the idea that
33:13
people, often Western
33:15
European people, wanted to go
33:17
out and explore the world and describe it
33:19
to the people back home and be able to
33:21
say, hey, here is this culture, it is different
33:24
from ours, I'm going to describe it to you.
33:26
It was related in a lot of
33:28
historical ways to the process of ethnology
33:30
which is the comparison of two cultures. Here's how
33:32
this culture is doing things, here's how this other
33:34
culture is doing things. We
33:37
have both the practice of ethnography,
33:40
someone goes and observes and perhaps participates
33:42
in a culture that is different from their own. That
33:45
might be a national culture or an ethnic
33:47
culture, it might be a occupational culture
33:49
or a hobby-based culture. We
33:51
can scale that idea to a bunch of different
33:54
levels. People have done ethnographies of hubs
33:57
on a Friday night. That's a cultural
33:59
group we could come. to understand, one
34:01
of the things that has grown
34:04
out of this study of ethnography is that
34:07
the most responsible way to do
34:09
it is to, one, never assume that we
34:11
can be objective, that we are always
34:13
aware that we are looking at a culture
34:16
through our own culture.
34:18
And that was something that was not present for a
34:20
long time in early ethnographic work,
34:22
that reflection on what biases,
34:25
what assumptions am I bringing to this,
34:27
that my outsider perspective
34:30
is causing me to not see certain things. And it might
34:32
similarly be causing me to see certain things that
34:34
someone on the inside might overlook as normal.
34:37
And we understand this when
34:39
we look back at history, everyone
34:42
has always been looking through their
34:44
own lenses. When the Romans were
34:47
describing the Gauls and the Celts,
34:49
they described what stood out to them,
34:52
and they didn't mention what didn't stand
34:54
out to them. And so we can assume that what they didn't
34:56
mention was pretty much the way the Romans
34:58
were doing it, because it didn't catch their
35:00
attention, right? So we have that same
35:03
idea now. So we try to not
35:05
assume that we can be objective. And we
35:07
also understand that the work
35:10
we're doing is partial. I'm
35:12
not, no one, no ethnographer is ever
35:14
getting the totality of a culture
35:17
when they look at it. And that doesn't negate the
35:19
value of it, it just sort of sets
35:21
it in a more realistic
35:23
vein. So when we talk about doing ethnographic
35:25
work, we're talking about looking at a culture
35:28
or what folklorists might call a folk group, and
35:31
describing their worldview,
35:33
describing the way that they apprehend
35:35
reality and the expressions that they make about
35:38
that reality.
35:40
That leads me to a question that I really want to ask
35:42
that I'm not quite sure how to form it.
35:44
So forgive me for the phrasing of this question,
35:47
but something like I want to figure out
35:49
a way to like convey to listeners, at least
35:51
for me when I'm learning something like this, I'm always I'm trying
35:53
to think of like, how can I look at things differently?
35:56
And like, how can I observe when I'm noticing something like
35:58
Loeb coming up? What like sort of framework
36:00
is going to have in my head to like, okay, how can I observe
36:02
the context of this and the significance of what it means?
36:05
I don't know if there's a way for you to
36:07
easily give out. When you see
36:09
something like this, what is going on in your
36:11
head of how do you look at something like
36:13
a folklorist might? Is there a forensic
36:16
toolkit for folklorists where you can- Yeah.
36:18
What's something someone could take away?
36:20
I love that. Yes. I actually
36:23
wrote a book chapter called
36:25
The Folklorist Toolkit, which was
36:28
building off of another
36:30
of my mentors. I've been so lucky as a folklorist,
36:32
Diane Goldstein, who for a long time
36:34
was the head of the folklore program at
36:36
Memorial University of Newfoundland and then ended
36:38
her career at Indiana University. But she
36:41
wrote about the folklorist toolkit in
36:43
an article distinguishing the work of an anthropologist
36:45
from the work of a folklorist. I'll get to that in a
36:47
minute though. I think that I often
36:50
talk with my students that folklorists
36:52
have this double vision because
36:55
we don't stop being a member
36:57
of the folk and everyday person, a member
36:59
of all of our varied and overlapping
37:02
folk groups through which we code switch
37:04
throughout the day. We have
37:07
a mode of presentation at work that's different
37:09
than at home and when we're hanging out with
37:11
friends and when we're at a sporting event, we are
37:14
constantly members of these folk
37:16
groups all overlapping, all at the same
37:18
time. We are that even when we
37:20
are a folklorist. What the folklorist
37:22
is doing at its most basic
37:25
level is identifying something
37:27
that seems base
37:29
and trivial but that's everywhere
37:32
and saying, what's going on here? Why
37:34
is this persisting? The
37:37
informality of folklore, that key definitional
37:39
trait of informality says, no
37:42
institution is keeping this stuff
37:44
in circulation. There's no AP
37:46
test making sure that you've heard XYZ
37:49
urban legends in high school. There's
37:51
no government licensing that's
37:53
going to make sure that you know how to
37:56
successfully put on a traditional
37:58
holiday dinner
37:59
or breakfast. or whatever, and yet
38:01
these patterns persist.
38:04
So
38:04
the folklorist comes in and says, why? When
38:06
a pattern is starting to persist or
38:08
even starting to rev up, and I'm seeing
38:10
it everywhere, and there's no institutionalized
38:14
explanation for it. There's not a big
38:16
budget production company showing an ad
38:18
for it every 30 minutes on television.
38:21
Why is it persisting? That's,
38:23
I think, learning to spot folklore,
38:25
learning to see that informal traditional
38:28
stuff, and then asking yourself,
38:30
why is this sticking around? If it didn't mean
38:32
anything to us, it would disappear. And
38:35
we've seen that happen. There's a lot of folklore that's disappeared
38:37
because we didn't need it anymore. It wasn't
38:39
saying anything of value to us. So
38:42
when it does stick around, it's our
38:44
job to then say, okay, what's the value?
38:47
What are we saying
38:49
with this that's keeping it a
38:51
useful tool for us? To get
38:54
into that idea of the folklorist's toolbox
38:56
more specifically, and this is much more a
38:58
real sort of academic leaning idea,
39:00
but Diane Goldstein tells us
39:03
that the things that really make the
39:05
work of a folklorist distinct are the concepts
39:08
of tradition, fairly obviously,
39:10
transmission, that concept of
39:12
things being passed on from person to
39:14
person, and genre, that
39:17
we have this focus on. It
39:19
is something different to
39:21
tell a fairy tale than a legend.
39:24
It is something different to engage
39:26
in a rite of passage versus
39:28
a calendar custom. And more
39:30
than any other discipline, anthropology,
39:32
sociology, other folks use ethnographic
39:35
theories and techniques.
39:37
Folklorists
39:38
pay attention to tradition, transmission,
39:41
and genre in a way
39:43
that I believe really
39:45
connects with that expressive
39:48
mode of everyday people. People
39:50
choose, even if it's a very
39:53
unconscious or subconscious choice, we choose
39:56
to communicate in a proverb rather
39:58
than summing up an opinion with our
40:00
own speech. We choose to deploy
40:03
a meme when we want to make a point,
40:05
rather than just make that point in our
40:07
own words. We are doing
40:10
something that means
40:12
we're choosing a genre in order
40:15
to transmit an idea in
40:17
a traditional way
40:18
when we share folklore.
40:21
Those three concepts, yes,
40:23
are useful tools for folklorists, but I think also
40:26
really start to get at
40:29
what this is, this vernacular
40:32
communication that people
40:34
are doing. That makes so much
40:36
sense. I never thought of genre
40:39
that way despite all of the things like I've read that
40:41
never clicked until just now as a way
40:43
of thinking about that. That is really cool.
40:45
Yeah. We need to be careful
40:47
as folklorists to not impose
40:49
our genres on other people. Genres
40:53
are learned through one's
40:55
cultural upbringing, through one's worldview,
40:57
and it's very tempting to go out into
40:59
the world and say, oh, is that a song
41:01
that you sing at night in front of children? That's a lullaby.
41:04
But no, that's a genre we
41:06
have. We have to parse out
41:08
other people's genres. I
41:11
find this fascinating because as a folklorist,
41:13
we do have very specific academic
41:16
definitions of many genres. I was
41:18
part of a Twitter conversation once where
41:20
someone was asking, are urban legends
41:23
folklore? I
41:25
came in and was like, yes. Here's official
41:28
folklorists, yes, they are. Other
41:30
Twitter users, non-folklorists, were saying
41:33
very interesting things like, well, in my opinion,
41:35
no, they're related
41:37
but different. I'm going, it's not a
41:39
matter of opinion, guys. Come
41:42
on, it either is or isn't. I'm
41:45
trying to think of some other, is
41:48
five an integer? It's
41:51
like, yes, you don't have an opinion.
41:54
But I had to remind
41:57
myself of the tenets of my
41:59
discipline, which is, is that, hey,
42:01
I'm not here to tell people, hey,
42:04
that story, that's a myth, not a legend, or
42:06
vice versa. I'm a little
42:08
bit here to learn from them. Tell me why you
42:11
don't think urban legends are folklore. Like what
42:13
does folklore mean to you, emically,
42:15
intrinsically, that I'm missing, that
42:17
distinguishes it from urban legends. As an academic,
42:20
my students still gonna need to learn to articulate
42:22
the difference because it's important. And because
42:25
those differences can alter how we
42:27
perceive people. Fairy tales are
42:29
told knowingly as fiction, as
42:31
fantasy, as transformative, marvelous
42:34
escapism. That doesn't mean they don't contain
42:37
truths, but they're not told as literally true.
42:39
When someone tells you the story of Puss
42:41
in Boots, you don't respond by going like,
42:43
yeah, I don't really think that's possible.
42:46
Because it's a fairy tale, it opened with once
42:48
upon a time, it closed with happily
42:50
ever after, it framed itself in its
42:53
fictionality. Legends, on the other
42:55
hand, are told as true, right? If someone
42:57
tells you a legend, like the King of
42:59
the Cat, it's a very well-known Irish legend about
43:01
a talking cat, someone tells you that story,
43:03
they are telling you that they think there's
43:06
at least a passing chance that that actually did
43:08
happen. And you are absolutely expected
43:10
to be like, yeah, I don't
43:12
think that's possible. Because as a
43:14
genre, legends are rhetorically
43:17
different than fairy tales. And
43:19
if I approach people
43:22
and have them tell me a story, and they tell
43:24
me a story in which bizarre and miraculous
43:26
things happen, it really
43:29
matters. If I know
43:32
that they are telling me that as fiction or
43:34
as potential facts, and my
43:36
understanding of what this persistent
43:39
traditional pattern in their culture means
43:42
is gonna depend a lot on whether they're telling
43:44
it to me as fiction or fact. So it is
43:46
an important distinction for an academic
43:49
to make, but it's not for the goal of
43:51
telling people they're wrong about what they would
43:53
call any of their
43:55
expressive content. This just brought
43:57
to mind a question that I'm super curious
43:59
about your answer. but it's a bit of a weird question. The
44:01
study of anything academically is almost
44:04
in a way the pursuit of absolute truths
44:06
that can be applied to analyze something. Is
44:08
that directly at odds with the study of folklore,
44:11
which is studying how we colloquially understand
44:13
things? Is there an interesting sort of head-butting
44:15
going on
44:16
there? Yeah, it can be. It
44:18
can be sort of a paradox. And what it does
44:20
for me, though, that helps reduce
44:22
the impact of that paradox is that
44:25
we distinguish the
44:27
stuff of folklore and it's natural,
44:29
we might be tempted to
44:31
say, organic processes from the
44:34
study of it. And that's
44:36
something that we don't do as much with
44:38
more institutionalized forms of culture, like
44:40
literature or art history or music appreciation,
44:43
where we study them in the academy because
44:45
there are correct distinctions
44:48
between those forms that are institutionalized.
44:51
And we start getting into music
44:53
history and it turns pretty folklore-pretty
44:55
quick, it turns out. But when
44:57
things are guided by institutions,
45:00
it is easier to be definitive and say, oh,
45:02
if you're calling a memoir a novel,
45:05
you are incorrect. Whereas
45:07
with a folklorist, if you want, what you're trying
45:09
to do is be a folklore student and you
45:11
call a myth a fairy tale, we might say you
45:13
are incorrect. But just everyday people
45:15
in the world, our goal is not
45:18
to say you're wrong about what you call
45:20
these sorts of forms, it's more of a, and
45:23
this actually is key to
45:25
the discipline of folklore studies because what we
45:27
largely are not, and this is not to say
45:29
that there aren't some instances of it, but we
45:32
are not interventionists. A lot
45:34
of sociological work, a lot of the,
45:37
say, medical humanities, the goals
45:39
are interventionists. We want to change
45:42
behavior, we want to fix this
45:44
public health issue, we want to make
45:47
different the way something happens
45:49
in a society, and folklorists largely
45:52
are like, we wanna understand, that's what
45:54
we wanna do, we wanna get it, we wanna get what
45:56
you're saying, we don't wanna change what you're saying now,
45:58
this has gotten tricky. here with you
46:01
guys brought up the advent of QAnon, with
46:04
fake news, the purposeful dissemination
46:07
of sticky in a folkloric
46:09
way misinformation. Suddenly,
46:11
folklorists are like, maybe we do want to change
46:14
the way people are doing things. That is
46:16
a huge, enormous
46:20
identity crisis in the discipline right
46:22
now. We have thrived on
46:25
agnosticism in a lot of ways as
46:27
a real point of pride. In our discipline,
46:29
I am not here to say whether Bigfoot is real
46:32
or not. I am here to take seriously
46:34
the people who want to tell me that they think
46:37
they saw him. That's great. I believe
46:39
in that. All of a sudden, we
46:41
cast that same legendary
46:44
work in the frame of politics
46:46
or
46:46
public health.
46:48
We see an area
46:50
in which it actually does matter to
46:52
me if someone believes or doesn't
46:54
believe the information that they're sharing
46:56
with me. That is tricky.
46:59
That is a place at which
47:01
I hear folklorists now beginning
47:03
these conversations.
47:04
After the break, the conclusion
47:07
of our interview with Dr. Lynn
47:09
McNeil.
47:15
Welcome back. Do
47:18
you feel as though there's kind of a tipping point in which the study
47:20
of folklore now is almost more important than
47:23
ever because of the advent of the internet and all
47:25
of the things, but also the study of it is
47:27
more difficult to justify? Something,
47:30
Perry, you were telling me about before is you had a hard time finding
47:32
online folklore programs or accessibility into
47:34
it at the same time.
47:35
Yes. There's my short answer. Yes,
47:38
absolutely. Understanding
47:40
what folklore is, understanding
47:42
how it moves, understanding how it influences
47:45
people, it's tied
47:47
to so many other disciplines, linguistics,
47:50
psychology, sociology, anthropology.
47:52
It is the understanding of humans,
47:55
but uniquely it's the understanding of humans
47:57
on their terms rather than the understanding
47:59
of the world.
49:44
And
50:00
then of course you get to 2016 and 2015, 2016 and beyond, you start to
50:02
see that, oh, there
50:07
are these interesting traces of
50:09
things that look like legend and things that look like
50:11
traditional manipulation of belief for
50:14
some other kind of more nefarious
50:16
outcome and you see that struggle. One of the
50:18
things that keeps surfacing over
50:20
and over and over kind of cross discipline is
50:23
the idea of in grade
50:26
school even injecting some kind of
50:28
media literacy. Would you then
50:31
also advocate for not only media
50:33
literacy but the ways that folklore
50:36
and belief intersect with that and the ways
50:39
that belief may be used to other people
50:41
or to create distinct social differences
50:44
for the purpose of something negative
50:47
or propping myself up maybe even?
50:49
Yes, I think
50:51
that some sort of media literacy
50:54
vernacular culture literacy is
50:56
something that should go along with this.
51:00
The most difficult thing about it
51:02
though, and you brought up
51:04
the idea that a lot of the times we
51:06
use these materials to other someone,
51:09
a group of people or an individual or whatever,
51:11
and this is something that we see happen on like the microcosmic
51:14
dyadic scale. Two people do this
51:17
to each other. Three people in a relationship
51:19
will attempt to dehumanize
51:21
the other person so as to be more comfortable
51:23
with harming them or insulting them and
51:25
we see it on a societal scale. This
51:28
is a human conundrum that we are dealing
51:30
with.
51:32
The hardest thing about it is
51:34
that the people you,
51:36
each of us, most need to
51:38
fact check
51:39
are ourselves.
51:41
The people it is most fun
51:43
to fact check are our opponent
51:46
in whatever realm we are working in.
51:49
So media literacy, learn how to find your
51:51
sources, learn how to fact check and stuff like
51:55
this, those are all wonderful skills
51:57
for people to learn. It's that people don't... them
52:00
on
52:00
themselves.
52:02
And they don't deploy them in the true,
52:04
I hate to use the word insidious, but
52:06
insidious way that folklore
52:09
enters our lives. We think about
52:11
urban legends as these identifiable
52:14
friend of a friend narratives that
52:16
we hear. And when I talk about them in classes
52:18
with my students, my students will say, how could
52:20
anyone believe that? That's so
52:23
ridiculous. And it's like, yeah, it sounds
52:25
ridiculous written in a textbook
52:28
about, you know, global politics.
52:30
Of course, that sounds ridiculous. That's not how
52:32
you encounter it
52:33
as folklore. You encounter it as
52:36
folklore when you're in high school and you're
52:38
at the dinner table with your family and your dad
52:40
looks up and goes, did you guys hear what happened yesterday?
52:42
And that's it then boom, urban legend, urban
52:45
legend comes next. And it's not
52:47
a CNN article or a Fox
52:50
News article or an MSNBC broadcast.
52:52
It's our friends, our family,
52:54
our parents, and it's not often
52:57
bizarre and crazy
52:59
sounding stuff. Cause usually it's stuff
53:01
that fits right in with our worldview.
53:03
It's something that we don't like, but that we're
53:05
like, yeah, no, that is, I bet that
53:08
did happen. That is how the world works.
53:10
And everyone
53:11
is susceptible to this. And again,
53:13
so it's not, it's not fact checking
53:15
a fake news article. It's fact
53:17
checking my parents, my friends,
53:20
my colleagues, myself, and
53:23
we don't do that instinctively. That's
53:25
horrendously uncomfortable. And,
53:28
and we aren't in that realm
53:30
of formal research all the time. And so
53:32
this really is highlighted by that informal
53:34
versus institutional culture divide.
53:37
Fact checking informal culture
53:39
is often impossible. And the genre
53:41
difference is what distinguishes a joke from
53:44
a legend. Almost the only
53:46
thing is whether or not it's being
53:48
pitched as true because we have
53:51
many urban legends that structurally
53:54
have punchlines. There's the reveal
53:56
at the end. And if it
53:58
were told as did you hear
54:01
about the guy who, you'd laugh, because
54:03
it would be a funny social commentary. But
54:06
when it's pitched as, no seriously,
54:08
like my hairdresser's cousin's next-door neighbor
54:10
did this. Suddenly, it's not funny because
54:12
now it's like biting social commentary. We
54:17
react differently based
54:19
on how, again, like the people closest
54:22
to us who are not trying to defraud
54:24
us, there are bad actors in the world.
54:27
There are money-making fake
54:29
news generators. They are less
54:31
the danger than when the story they
54:33
create becomes. So
54:35
folkloric has entered that folk transmission
54:38
process that we hear it from
54:40
a family member as
54:42
something that happens.
54:44
That's the danger level
54:46
of disinformation, and that's
54:48
where it's so convoluted
54:51
and difficult that those fact-checking
54:54
skills even when we've learned them, just don't
54:56
get deployed.
54:58
This happens also in ways that are neutral
55:01
or benign, and so don't seem
55:03
problematic. An example is I
55:06
think all folklorists have this moment.
55:08
I was in a PhD-level contemporary
55:10
legend class. Folklorists call
55:12
urban legends contemporary legends. It's a
55:15
slightly more accurate nomenclature. Someone
55:17
was telling a story that
55:20
I found myself, the words came out
55:22
of my mouth before I could stop it. That
55:25
actually happened to a friend of a guy my dad worked with.
55:27
Then I was like,
55:28
like, it
55:30
was- Kuyster, say moment. Yes.
55:32
Oh, yes. I always think
55:35
of it as the Simba in the Will-de-Vese stampede
55:37
moment where the camera zooms in and little
55:39
Simba's in the Will-de-Vese are coming. I'm
55:41
like, oh. It was the story as I heard
55:44
it. My
55:46
dad, it was one of his favorite stories.
55:49
As far as I know, he
55:51
at least heard it as though it happened to a friend
55:53
of this guy he works with. This guy, they
55:56
were investing business,
55:58
investment advisors, and this guy had a- client
56:00
down in LA and he went to travel
56:02
down to LA to meet with his client in person and he had
56:04
to stay overnight and his client was like, hey, I'm
56:07
going to this party tonight. I know you're in town with nothing
56:09
to do. Do you want to come with me? You know, there's going
56:11
to be a lot of, you know, like Hollywood muckety
56:13
mucks there. Like you, you might get to meet
56:16
some, you know, important people or whatever. And the
56:18
guy's like, well, I don't know. Like I wouldn't fit in.
56:20
I'm, you know, I don't know how I feel about this. And his
56:22
client's like, oh, come on, you know, like just
56:25
come with me and there'll be good food if nothing else. So he
56:27
goes and he ends up, you know,
56:29
doing that awkward thing. We all do at parties where we don't know anyone
56:31
standing by the food and eating constantly. And
56:33
there's this other guy standing by the food
56:36
table, just eating constantly. And so
56:38
he's like, well, at least I'm not alone in my awkwardness.
56:40
And so he makes friends with this guy and this guy's name is Bob.
56:43
And he has all these funny stories about like,
56:45
you know, people in LA and all this stuff.
56:47
And he's super friendly and he makes this guy feel at
56:49
home and even introduces him to like some
56:51
big names. And he's like, see, okay, cool.
56:53
I was, I was wrong. This was great. So as he's
56:56
leaving the next day, he calls up his client
56:58
to just be like, Hey, thanks for inviting me to that party.
57:00
And when you see him next, will you tell
57:02
Bob that I really appreciated how he sort
57:04
of took me under his wing and made me feel comfortable. And
57:06
the client was like, which Bob and he's like, you
57:08
know, Bob, that guy I was talking to by the food table and the
57:11
client goes, Oh, you mean Robert De Niro?
57:13
And that's like put them right there's our
57:15
punch line. And if of course, as we tell
57:17
that story, it was Robert De Niro, who is such
57:20
a good down to earth guy that he is mistaken
57:22
as friendly non famous Bob
57:24
by an average Joe. We
57:27
tell that story about a particular kind
57:29
of actor. We tell different stories
57:32
about other kinds of actors, stories where actors
57:34
are pretentious and think too highly
57:36
of themselves and all of that stuff. But
57:38
anyways, as far as I knew,
57:40
I mean, my dad told me that story as like a
57:42
you will not believe this. Like that
57:44
guy I work with, this happened to his
57:47
friend. And it was like, no way that's
57:49
crazy. And I totally believe that. So I'm like,
57:51
yeah, Robert De Niro is probably a pretty good guy. You
57:53
know,
57:53
he seems he seems like a good guy. Totally.
57:56
It wasn't nowhere in that story
57:58
when I heard it when I was young.
57:59
maybe junior high, high school, nowhere
58:02
was the word legend ever said. It
58:04
was never like a, well, I heard or a
58:06
friend of a friend. It was just like, oh my gosh, you will not believe
58:08
this. It had that veracity. What folklorist
58:11
Elliot Oring describes the rhetorical
58:14
stance of the friend of a friend as being
58:17
close enough to be validating, but
58:19
just distant enough to not require
58:22
immediate or not enable immediate
58:24
verification. It was
58:26
that. It was perfect. I had
58:28
no reason to disbelieve it until the
58:30
evidence of it's in this book of
58:33
urban legends. Like, are you saying it
58:35
actually happened to your dad and is also
58:37
in this book of urban legends? It was like, am
58:40
I? It gave me so much more
58:42
sympathy for my students when we
58:44
talk about a legend. They say, oh, well, that actually
58:46
happened to my grandpa. I'm like, maybe
58:48
it
58:49
did.
58:51
Probably
58:51
it didn't. It
58:53
is that that was a very long and roundabout
58:55
way of saying, we are up against an incredible
58:59
challenge when it comes to what
59:01
skill set it is that would
59:03
make us question that
59:05
mode of learning.
59:07
Again, that's a benign one. Who
59:09
cares if that's true or not? It's an interesting
59:11
commentary on Robert De Niro. But
59:13
if that story were about vaccines or
59:16
elections,
59:18
or crime, or
59:19
the safety of children, I might
59:22
act on it in a really different way, while
59:24
believing it just as much.
59:26
That's
59:27
the danger, really.
59:29
I know you said loath to use the word, but
59:31
it is insidious, even if the things that are
59:33
benign. I think the story is really illustrative of that.
59:38
Thanks so much for listening and thank
59:40
you to Dr. Lynn McNeil for spending
59:42
time with us. Be sure to check out
59:44
the show notes for more information about Lynn
59:47
and her work. If
59:50
you haven't yet, please go ahead and go over
59:52
to Apple Podcasts or Spotify, give
59:54
us a five-star rating, and leave us a review.
59:57
And then also be sure to tell a friend about
59:59
the show. If you have any questions,
1:00:02
feedback, or ideas for a future episode,
1:00:04
you can reach us at hello at eighthlayermedia.com.
1:00:08
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1:00:20
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1:00:21
That's all for now. Thanks
1:00:24
for listening.
1:00:32
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