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0:00
Hello,
0:12
and welcome to the history of Africana philosophy
0:14
by Teekay Jeffers and Adamson. Brought
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to you with the support of the King's College London Fellowship
0:19
Department and the LMU in Munich online
0:21
at historyphilosophy dot net. Today's
0:24
episode, Weapon Of Choice.
0:27
Amid Khad Khad. Philosophers
0:31
are often seen as uninvolved figures,
0:33
literally sitting in an armchair as they develop
0:35
their ambitious ideas and refined distinctions.
0:38
While this reputation is not entirely unearned,
0:41
the tradition has given us more than
0:43
a few counter examples. We've
0:45
by now met plenty of activist intellectuals,
0:48
people who can credibly be called philosophers
0:50
on the basis of their deep theoretical investigations,
0:53
but who also put their freedom and even their
0:55
lives on the line in the cause of liberation.
0:58
It's hard to come up with a better example than
1:01
whose philosophical musings went hand in
1:03
hand with waging a war of independence, and
1:06
who in January of nineteen seventy three
1:08
made the ultimate sacrifice for his cause.
1:11
Cupral's philosophical writings are inextricably
1:13
bound up with his career as a revolutionary leader.
1:16
Some of them were addressed to the soldiers under his
1:18
direction and sought to build their morale
1:20
and clarify for them the nature of their struggle.
1:23
Others were delivered before international audiences
1:26
and in part intended to attract political support.
1:29
In the year nineteen seventy two alone, for
1:31
instance, he made no fewer than thirty
1:33
one trips abroad for the sake of international
1:35
diplomacy, from Asia to Europe to the
1:37
United States. It is symbolic
1:39
of this diplomat's importance as a philosopher,
1:42
though, that his last trip to the United States
1:44
just a few months before his assassination included
1:47
meeting Amir Barakah, who was
1:49
at that time still in his black cultural
1:51
nationalist phase. As we noted
1:53
in episode one hundred and twelve, this part
1:55
of Baracca's career was deeply inspired
1:57
by Milano Karanga's philosophy of
1:59
Kawäida, but came to an end a
2:01
couple of years later when Barakka publicly
2:04
repudiated black cultural nationalism and
2:06
embraced instead of Marxist perspective focused
2:08
on third world solidarity. As
2:11
it turns out, we can find Baracca explicitly
2:13
telling the New York Times that he was led
2:15
to this shift in theoretical understanding by
2:17
his study of Capella's thought. Amlcar
2:21
Cabral was named after a scourge of
2:23
the Roman empire, Amelukar, the
2:25
Jeffers of Carthage, who fathered the more famous
2:27
animal. Cabral, himself
2:29
an African destined to defy Empire, was
2:31
born in nineteen twenty four in what is now
2:33
Guinea Bissau, but then still
2:35
the colony of Portuguese Guinea. This
2:37
is not to be confused with the former French
2:40
Guinea, also known as Guinea Kanakri,
2:42
after its capital city. This is the place
2:44
usually called Guinea in English nowadays.
2:47
Cabral parents hailed from Cape Verde,
2:50
a nearby archipelago of islands in the
2:52
Atlantic Ocean that is also considered part
2:54
of Lusafone Africa. Lusafone
2:57
may sound like a musical instrument designed for
2:59
use in free jazz, but it just means
3:01
Portuguese speaking. After
3:03
growing up in Cape Verde, Cabral spent time
3:05
in Portugal itself studying agricultural
3:07
engineering in Lisbon beginning in nineteen
3:09
forty five. Here he came into contact
3:12
with Africans from other Portuguese colonies,
3:14
such as Ibostino Neto of Angola,
3:16
who would go on to become Angola's first president.
3:19
Cabral also discovered two philosophical movements
3:22
that have loomed large in the story we've been telling
3:24
in this podcast series. These two
3:26
movements, Neptun and Marxism, greatly
3:28
shaped his ideas even as neither of
3:30
them managed to claim his unqualified allegiance.
3:34
But we should not discount the importance of
3:36
his field of study, agronomics, informing
3:38
him as both a political actor and a philosopher.
3:41
You may recall that Africana Horton
3:43
of Sierra Leone, who we covered in episode
3:46
fifty five, published a book in eighteen
3:48
sixty seven about Cabral West Africa
3:50
based on his survey of the climate soil and
3:52
plants there. Similarly, after
3:54
his studies, Cabral went back to Guinea in
3:57
nineteen fifty two, where he worked for the
3:59
overseas ministry of Portugal in the agricultural
4:01
service. He undertook an agricultural
4:03
census and released his findings in
4:05
nineteen fifty three. These made for
4:08
dry reading, no doubt, Yet, the seeds
4:10
of his revolutionary thought were already planted
4:12
here. He lamented the environmental
4:14
impact of capitalism as manifested
4:16
for instance in the use of monocultures where
4:19
huge swaths of the territory were
4:21
used to grow just one crop, like ground
4:23
nuts, with dire consequences for
4:25
the population and the soil itself. And
4:29
since the choice of crops cut across tribal
4:31
boundaries and was often linked to socio
4:33
economic status, chaparral's focus
4:35
on agriculture started to lead him toward
4:37
thinking of class rather than ethnicity
4:40
as the main principle of division within Guinea.
4:43
Even as he was working for the colonial government,
4:46
Cabral began also working to undermine
4:48
it. He tried to get the peasants to
4:50
see that they were being exploited in ways they
4:52
could not even proceed. As when the
4:54
Portuguese worked to keep crop prices artificially
4:57
low. When went to do
4:59
consulting work as an agronomist in Angola,
5:01
he participated in founding an organization that
5:04
would serve as the basis for the MPLAA, the
5:06
People's Movement for the Liberation of Angola.
5:09
This is the party that ultimately secured Angola's
5:11
independence and that still rules Angola
5:13
today. The same year, nineteen
5:15
fifty six, while visiting the capital of
5:17
Portuguese Guinea, which is Bissaud. He
5:19
and others, including his brother, Lewis Cabral,
5:22
created the African party for the independence
5:24
of Guinea and Cape Vegas. The PAI
5:26
GC. This is the party
5:28
through which he would pursue his life's work, that
5:30
is the liberation of both his homelands,
5:32
Portuguese Guinea, and Cape Verde. In
5:35
nineteen fifty nine, a massacre of striking
5:37
dock workers in Bissau showed the danger
5:40
and limitations of mobilizing urban laborers.
5:42
So as the nineteen sixties saw the struggle against
5:45
colonialism and turned violent, the PAICC
5:47
used guerilla tactics to disrupt Portuguese
5:49
control over rural areas. As
5:52
they gained territory, the party demonstrated its
5:54
own capacity for political leadership through
5:56
the setup of infrastructure Chike schools,
5:58
hospitals, and law courts. Unsurprisingly
6:01
given his intellectual training, Kabbalah
6:03
used an agricultural metaphor for the struggle.
6:05
Resistance was like scattering rice
6:07
and hoping it will grow. In
6:10
this process, he saw many aspects of traditional
6:12
African society as less than
6:14
helpful. As one scholar of
6:16
his thought has commented, had no
6:18
nostalgia for pre capitalist communalism.
6:21
He saw the top down structures of some ethnic
6:23
groups Chike the Fula and Mandinca as
6:26
counterproductive because their chiefs were in
6:28
his view, often co opted by the Portuguese
6:30
colonizers. He also
6:32
felt that traditional belief systems should
6:34
be confronted with the power of modern science.
6:37
When anecdote tells of how he challenged a village
6:39
elder who was skeptical of the need for
6:41
sending children to the new schools. Cabral
6:44
out a cigarette lighter and challenged the
6:46
other to explain the physics behind the flame
6:48
it produced. This same
6:50
theme is emphasized in his features to the rank
6:52
and file of the PAIGC. Here
6:55
of lightning or magical totems Chike animals,
6:57
horns, is near superstition. And
6:59
the new society they were building was to be based
7:01
on science and not imaginary things.
7:05
This was just part of the moral education he
7:07
tried to give his followers as he exhorted
7:09
them to display good hygiene, keep their
7:11
clothes neat and clean, and for goodness sake,
7:13
turn up on time for ambushes against the
7:15
colonial forces. This aspect
7:17
of his thought may remind us of another late nineteenth
7:20
century Africana thinker, Ocurti Washington,
7:23
who struck a similar tone in his addresses to
7:25
the students at Taseke. One can
7:27
easily imagine Washington saying, we
7:29
should avoid the superiority complex of
7:31
those who know something and the inferiority complex
7:34
of those who don't know. But in fact,
7:36
these are the words of Cabral.
7:38
Unlike Washington though, cabal was
7:40
living after the negativity movement. While
7:43
Elizabeth as a student, encountered
7:45
Sangamo's landmark pathology of black
7:47
poetry in French and was enraptured
7:49
by it. He spoke of finding in
7:51
this book things I had not dreamed of,
7:54
marvelous poetry written by blacks from all
7:56
parts of the French world, poetry that speaks
7:58
of Africa, of slaves, of men, of
8:00
life, and of the aspirations of men.
8:03
As attractive as Cabral was to negative,
8:06
though, It was extremely important to him
8:08
that African culture should not be celebrated
8:10
uncritically. He was in fact open
8:12
to the idea that European colonial
8:14
powers might be credited with having given
8:16
something worthwhile to the lands they dominated.
8:19
Science, for example, and the language
8:21
used to describe it. As he once notoriously
8:24
asked, making reference to the language of the largest
8:26
of Guinea Bissaud's ethnic groups, how
8:28
do you say square root in Balanta?
8:31
But this should not, of course, distract us from
8:33
the deeply oppressive and malevolent nature
8:35
of colonialism. Gibraltar made
8:37
no bones about wanting to chase the Portuguese
8:39
out of Guinea and State Bade, part of
8:42
a broader effort to end colonialism in Africa
8:44
as a whole. His business was
8:46
resistance, which he defined as follows,
8:49
to destroy one thing for the sake of
8:51
constructing another thing. Like
8:54
in Kruma and others who wrote against colonialism
8:56
and neo colonialism, Corporal understood
8:58
economic exploitation and domination to
9:01
be the core of the colonial enterprise, but
9:03
he put a recognizably Marxist twist
9:06
on this familiar accusation. The
9:08
historical purpose of colonialism, insofar
9:11
as it might have one, would be to revolutionize
9:13
the economic and cultural landscape in its dominions.
9:16
This would, on a traditional Marxist account,
9:18
hasten progress toward the ultimate destination
9:21
of a socialist utopia, which can emerge
9:23
only once capitalism has transformed the
9:25
modes of production. This is what
9:27
was happening when colonial powers ushered
9:29
scientific advances into a place like
9:32
Guinea, advances that could then be
9:34
put to good use in an independent nation
9:36
after a successful revolution against those
9:38
same powers. So there was
9:40
a broader Marxist context for apparently
9:43
paradoxical admission that colonialism
9:45
does have some good effects. Even
9:48
more paradoxical is a point that Reeland
9:50
Rebachah has noted in his book concepts
9:53
of Cabral. In a sense,
9:55
colonialism did not go far enough.
9:57
The dominating nations were reluctant to
9:59
unleash the full forces of revolutionary transformation
10:02
in the colonies. They knew they had
10:04
a tiger by the tail and had no interest
10:07
in making that tiger more vigorous. This
10:09
is our metaphor, not good ross, as you
10:11
can tell by the fact that it doesn't involve planting
10:13
crops. The result
10:15
was the stasis that Cabral labeled block
10:18
development, which shows itself
10:20
in low literacy rates for healthcare
10:22
and so on. It is unjust
10:24
for the dominating power to inflict this condition
10:26
on its colonial victims just as it
10:28
is unjust to prevent individuals from realizing
10:30
their full potential. Guinea and
10:32
Cape Verde had the special misfortune
10:34
to be under the control of Portugal, which
10:37
in Gibraltar's assessment was itself a backward
10:39
country they could not have been a colonial power
10:41
at all without the backing of its allies.
10:44
In an amusing moment, he remarked that
10:46
Portugal not only fails to produce airplanes,
10:49
It doesn't even produce toy planes.
10:51
So as he wrote elsewhere, if Portugal could
10:54
have a civilizing influence on any people,
10:56
she would be accomplishing a kind of miracle.
10:59
Cappell once gave a speech entitled the
11:01
weapon of theory and the phrase sums him up
11:03
pretty well. At first glance, the
11:05
theory he was weaponizing looks like orthodox
11:07
Marxism. But he was at pains to resist
11:09
this interpretation in part for political
11:11
reasons. He wanted to persuade countries
11:14
like the United States to stop siding
11:16
with Portugal and being pigeonholed as
11:18
a communist wasn't going to help with that.
11:20
Furthermore, for him, pragmatism should
11:23
Trump ideological purity. Asked
11:25
about his approach, he said, if you want to call
11:27
it Marxism, you may. Am I a Marxist?
11:30
Judge from what I do in practice. Labels
11:32
don't concern us. Closer
11:34
study of his writings also reveals the innovations
11:37
he made within socialist thought. As
11:39
Olofaming Taewoo has written, Cabral
11:42
just incorporate Marxist theory into his
11:44
analysis, he extended and in profoundly
11:46
original ways, transformed it and
11:48
suited it for the African terrain. Keppel
11:52
was provoked to these changes by a deficiency
11:54
he perceived in Marxism, the problem
11:57
of depicting the societies of pre colonial
11:59
Africa is being outside of any history,
12:01
worthy of the name. Remarcus,
12:04
history is the story of class struggle, which
12:06
was absent in these supposedly rudimentary,
12:08
nomadic, and sedentary forms of life of
12:10
the African Cabral by
12:12
contrast stressed that Africa did have
12:15
its own history even if it had been interrupted
12:17
by external domination. Colonialism,
12:20
he said, made us leave our history and
12:22
enter another history. In
12:24
fact, he differed dramatically from Julius
12:26
Nader who we discussed in our last episode
12:28
because unlike Nader's claiming Ujemah,
12:31
the basis of African socialism, Cabral
12:33
insisted that this earlier history of African
12:35
life involved class differences. To
12:37
make this point, Kapral pointed to the chief
12:39
dominated cultures Chike the Fula. Furthermore,
12:43
he believed that the complex African cultures
12:45
that preceded colonialism had survived
12:47
through its depredations. To destroy
12:49
culture, one must more or less annihilate
12:52
or at least entirely uproot the
12:54
people who practice it as was done to some
12:56
native Africana. Anything short
12:58
of this will leave the original society in
13:00
place, in however weakened estate,
13:03
so that it can provide resources for anti
13:05
colonial struggle, and for the new nation
13:07
that emerges after independence. Thus,
13:10
Cabral himself from the idea of an African
13:12
renaissance what has never died
13:14
as no need to be reborn. Combining
13:18
these insights with the admission that some European
13:20
ideas are good, like science, and
13:22
some African ideas bad, like witchcraft,
13:25
we arrive at Cabral overall position
13:27
on culture. The weapon of theory
13:29
yields the weapon Chike. Africans
13:32
who select the best of what both Africa
13:34
and Europe had to offer. He
13:36
thus wrote, while we liquidate the colonial
13:38
culture and the negative aspects of our own culture
13:41
in spirit. In our midst, we have to create
13:43
a new culture, also based on our traditions,
13:45
but respecting everything that the world has won
13:47
today for serving people. Cabral
13:50
like to call the process of embracing the past
13:52
without being uncritical about it, reaffronization,
13:55
or a return to the source. This
13:58
theme in his thought has been discussed by the air train
14:00
philosopher, Sune Seta Cabaret on.
14:02
He speaks of how for the native
14:04
past is not preserved intact, but
14:07
cut and cast to fit the historic requirements
14:09
of the struggle. It's an approach
14:12
that could also be used by African Americans
14:14
and other members of the Diaspora One
14:16
can feel an affinity for traditional cultures
14:18
without adopting every value found in
14:20
those cultures and without feeling like a heretic
14:23
every time one adopts values of the dominant
14:25
colonial culture. It
14:27
rolled dug deeper into the roots of culture itself,
14:30
and his speech delivered in Syracuse, New York
14:32
in nineteen seventy. Here he argued
14:34
that culture grows out of the material and
14:36
historical reality of its society. There
14:39
is yet another botanical metaphor here
14:41
that underlying reality is like a plant
14:44
whose flower is, culture. But
14:46
what does material reality mean
14:48
here? The answer lies in what Kupral
14:50
called the productive forces, which
14:52
he argued are even more fundamental than
14:54
class. In a passage of bristling
14:57
with the technical terminology of Marxism
14:59
eros. The definition of class and
15:01
class struggle are themselves the result of the development
15:03
of productive forces, in conjunction with
15:05
the system of ownership of the means of production.
15:08
It therefore seems permissible to conclude that
15:11
the level of productive forces, the essential
15:13
permanent of the content and form of class struggle
15:15
is the true and permanent motive force of history.
15:18
Chaparral means that
15:20
the degree of stratification in society
15:22
results from such factors as sedentary
15:24
versus nomadic lifestyle, focus
15:26
on agriculture versus the raising of livestock,
15:29
the availability of natural resources, and
15:31
so on. To take simple example,
15:34
a society that involves large scale harvesting
15:36
of crops is liable to produce a class of
15:38
peasants and a second class of people who
15:40
are exploiting the labor of those peasants. Cultural
15:43
norms are also relevant here and can be considered
15:46
as part of the productive forces. For instance,
15:48
do women help with the harvest or is it done
15:50
only by men? Thus,
15:52
class is not fundamental in Kabbalah's political
15:55
theory, but it is still very important. He
15:58
was urgently interested in the class structure of
16:00
Guinea Bissau, because it determined
16:02
the course of the laboratory struggle. Ultimately,
16:05
for that struggle to succeed, all classes
16:07
must commit to it. But the spark must
16:09
be lit within one segment of society. Gibraltar
16:12
felt that revolution cannot come directly from
16:14
the working class and peasants because they lacked
16:17
awareness of their own predicament. As
16:19
for the traditional ruling class, in those
16:21
parts of the population that had such a group,
16:23
the rulers tended to become instruments of colonial
16:25
power. Indeed, Gibraltar
16:28
observed that this was one reason the colonizers could
16:30
not utterly destroy a traditional culture,
16:33
they needed to get the leaders within that culture
16:35
to facilitate a colonial domination. But
16:38
if neither of the lower classes nor the ruling
16:40
classes going to launch revolution, who's
16:42
left? The group that included
16:44
himself, the functionaries of the colonial
16:47
regime, for whom he borrowed the long standing
16:49
Marxist term, petty bourgeoisie. Cabral
16:53
discussion of this class is the aspect of his
16:55
thought most reminiscent of Fanae's psychological
16:58
analysis of the colonized, Cabral
17:00
describes the petty bourgeoisie or
17:02
westernized natives as being torn
17:04
between the system that employs them and the enduring
17:07
cultural values of the wider population. They
17:09
are far more assimilated than rural peasants,
17:12
intend to see themselves as superior to
17:14
those peasants, yet they remain connected
17:16
to that class, whether they like it or not,
17:18
for example, through family ties. Furthermore,
17:21
they suffer from daily indignities meted
17:23
out by the condescending members of the colonizing
17:26
elite. Since that elite
17:28
will never accept them fully, their quest
17:30
for identity can be resolved only by giving
17:32
up on assimilation and embracing their
17:34
native culture. It is not without
17:37
a certain astonishment that they come to
17:39
appreciate the richness of that culture. Now,
17:41
the member of the petty bourgeoisie is ready
17:43
or the return to the source. Which means
17:46
literally going to the rural areas
17:48
to live among the people and in due course
17:50
to fight alongside them. Here,
17:52
theory coincides with Cabral
17:55
was just such a functionary who spent years
17:58
traveling amongst the people, bringing attention
18:00
to the injustices they suffered, and to the
18:02
possibility of doing something about it.
18:05
In another dramatic formulation, Cabral
18:07
speaks of this decision on the part of the westernized
18:10
native as a kind of class suicide.
18:13
The petty bourgeoisie must abandon its
18:15
relatively comfortable status and the assimilated
18:17
values that have previously defined them
18:20
in order to make common cause with the whole nation.
18:23
Why one might wonder would they do this?
18:25
Apart from the annoyance of those daily offenses
18:28
to their pride, one reason might be a desire
18:30
for genuine political power. As
18:32
the initiators of the revolution, this is
18:34
the class from which the leaders of the newly independent
18:36
nation will be drawn. In
18:39
a book on WEB DeBoise, Farnome
18:41
and Cabral, Charles F Peterson
18:43
has observed that with his analysis, Kabbraln
18:46
shows the way out of the dilemma felt by
18:48
Dupuy's talented tenth though
18:50
for Kabbalah, we're probably talking about a lot
18:52
less than ten percent of the colonized population.
18:55
They will escape their double consciousness by
18:57
becoming the vanguard of a revolution that
18:59
makes them no longer a vanguard, just
19:02
particularly skilled members of the mass population
19:05
instead of a group that stands outside of.
19:07
And looks down upon that population. It's
19:10
a powerful idea, which has attracted
19:12
attention from others, Malana Karanga.
19:15
In an essay on the topic, he describes
19:17
class suicide as the way out of the dilemma
19:19
in which the petty bourgeoisie must choose between
19:22
aligning with the oppressor or the people
19:24
retaining power through alliance with and service
19:27
to the oppressor, who are identifying with
19:29
the interests and aspirations of the masses and
19:31
seizing revolutionary power. was
19:35
no doubt satisfied to see how his own
19:37
life ratified his philosophical theories.
19:39
Himself a member of the so called pity bourgeoisie
19:42
he did lead a popular uprising that eventually
19:44
succeeded in freeing Guinea and Cape Verde.
19:47
But that did not come until nineteen seventy four.
19:49
After the Carnation Revolution toppled
19:51
the government back in Portugal. The
19:53
majority of African countries in existence today
19:56
gained independence in the nineteen sixties, so
19:58
this was rather late. Portugal's
20:00
tenacity in clinging to its colonial possessions
20:03
may ironically enough had been a result
20:05
of its weakness. It simply could not
20:07
afford to lose them. Especially Angola and
20:09
Mozambique. And when the end
20:11
of colonialism did come, it was too late
20:13
for Cabral himself. A year
20:15
earlier, he had been assassinated by opponents
20:17
for women, the PAIGC. It
20:19
was a possibility he had foreseen since
20:21
he knew that the Portuguese were intriguing against
20:23
him and that he had many enemies in part
20:26
because of tensions within his own movement
20:28
between the Cape Verdeans and the Ganaeans.
20:30
In contemplating the prospect of his own death,
20:33
Cabral was well, philosophical. If
20:35
I die tomorrow, he said, nothing will
20:37
change in the intellectable evolution of the
20:39
fight of my people and their victory. We
20:42
will have dozens, hundreds of chaparral's.
20:45
He will be worth spending another episode in the
20:47
company of this remarkable man and one of his
20:50
leading expanse Eaforementioned multifamily
20:52
title. Actually, believe it or
20:54
not, that we won't be joined by dozens
20:56
or hundreds of multifamily titles, we
20:58
will be joined by two of them. There
21:00
are a couple of modern day experts on Kabbal
21:02
by this name, one who works at Georgetown
21:04
University, the other at Cornell University. I
21:07
can easily imagine that they get tired of being confused
21:09
with one another, but there will be no excuse
21:11
for that after the next installment when you
21:13
will get two Femi Tyros for the price of
21:16
one. That price being one that Cabral
21:18
would like the sound of, absolutely free.
21:20
As always, hereon, the history of Africana
21:23
philosophy.
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