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Authoritarian Practices Go Well Beyond Authoritarian Regimes

Authoritarian Practices Go Well Beyond Authoritarian Regimes

Released Wednesday, 13th March 2024
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Authoritarian Practices Go Well Beyond Authoritarian Regimes

Authoritarian Practices Go Well Beyond Authoritarian Regimes

Authoritarian Practices Go Well Beyond Authoritarian Regimes

Authoritarian Practices Go Well Beyond Authoritarian Regimes

Wednesday, 13th March 2024
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0:01

Welcome to the new Books Network. Welcome

0:06

to the People Power Politics podcast,

0:08

brought to you by CEDA, the

0:11

Center for Elections, Democracy, Accountability and

0:13

Representation at the University of Birmingham.

0:19

Hi everyone and thanks for joining us. I

0:22

am Lita Cianetti, Deputy Director of CEDA, and

0:24

I'm going to be your host for this

0:26

episode. Today I am delighted

0:28

to welcome Marlis Gladius, who is Professor

0:30

of International Relations at the University of

0:32

Amsterdam, and author of a new book on

0:34

authoritarian practices in a global age. Welcome

0:37

to the podcast, Marlis. So

0:39

Marlis, your book was published by Oxford

0:41

University Press in 2023, and it's a

0:43

brilliant book, which opens up a new

0:45

way of thinking about authoritarianism through the

0:47

lenses of practice. So the way I

0:49

read the book, and what I find

0:51

really interesting about your work in general,

0:54

is that it challenges our usual way

0:56

of thinking about regimes as coherent entities. So

0:59

we are either in a democracy or in

1:01

an autocracy, and democracies behave in a certain

1:03

way, and autocracies behave in a certain different

1:05

way. So instead

1:07

you show how authoritarian practices are not

1:09

the sole remit of authoritarian regimes, but

1:12

can take place within democracies and can

1:14

be done by actors other than states.

1:17

So you have these five very rich

1:19

empirical chapters, and I suggest the listeners

1:21

go and read your book. Can you

1:24

discuss cases as varied as people with

1:26

migrant background living in democratic

1:28

countries, but facing political repression from

1:30

their country of origin? The practice

1:32

of extraordinary rendition by the CIA,

1:34

the decision making around who gets

1:36

listed or delisted from the Security

1:39

Council terrorist sanction list, the activities

1:41

of multinational mining corporations in the

1:43

Democratic Republic of Congo, and the

1:45

way the Catholic Church dealt with

1:47

evidence of sexual abuse of miners.

1:49

So to get us started, what

1:51

do these things have in common?

1:53

What is an authoritarian practice and

1:56

how do we know One when we see it? Give

2:01

you my. Definition of first

2:03

developed it possible for a terry

2:05

and practices on the it said.

2:07

The reason I wanted to do

2:09

not because I think in our

2:12

Trump national well said his used

2:14

for Nelson A D. Democratizing Well

2:16

do get away from this classification

2:18

of you know you're either an

2:20

authoritarian regime worry a democratic country.

2:22

Sometimes there's been a middle constantly

2:25

that sell I found the hottest

2:27

static a practice and I stay.

2:29

Can this from practice? Theory is

2:31

quite simply. Saturn of action some

2:33

sort of routine behavior that at

2:35

again and again within an organized

2:37

com so it's not a single

2:40

person doing not and authoritarians practice

2:42

is a little bit more complicated.

2:44

I've kind of redefine to authoritarianism

2:46

because when we do to the

2:48

level of states we tend to

2:50

think of what's or terrain is

2:52

and are no free and fair

2:54

elections and all know civil and

2:56

political rights and other than work

2:58

when you take it to all

3:01

the site through practices I sort

3:03

of what our elections there a

3:05

mechanism for accountability were tearing his

3:07

I'm from able to. Return practices

3:09

are kind of access li

3:12

summer time getting accountability Safe

3:14

accountability. Is explaining and just

3:16

the flying policies and actions

3:18

to people over whom you

3:21

have some sort of formal

3:23

power and allowing them to

3:25

have criticism, pass judgment. And

3:27

sometimes in accountability is instead of

3:29

explaining and justifying you being secretive

3:32

and lying, and instead of allowing

3:34

critiques and judgments, you're actually silencing

3:36

people. You do. They say that

3:38

to me a roofer during practices

3:40

I must say a lot of

3:43

people could either the book or

3:45

the article that came before in

3:47

two thousand and eighteen. That kind

3:49

of stakeholders the notion of authoritarians

3:51

practices to get away from regimes

3:54

that then there are a lot

3:56

more loose than. I am about

3:58

what constitutes or. And

4:01

I guess that's okay. I

4:03

don't have ownership over what

4:05

this concept means, but I

4:07

do worry that kind of lays

4:09

academic open to the accusation of,

4:11

oh, you just call anything you

4:13

don't know, unlike authoritarian. That's why

4:15

I do kind of fall to

4:17

a strict definition. You make

4:20

a distinction between authoritarian practices

4:22

and illiberal practices. And maybe is

4:24

that where some of the misuses,

4:26

let's say, of your concept come

4:29

from? So why would we need

4:31

to distinguish between the two? And

4:33

what are liberal practices? Are they

4:35

relevant to your work? Or do

4:37

you define them just to say, okay,

4:39

this is not what I'm looking at?

4:42

So yeah, authoritarian versus illiberal is something

4:44

I think people are really struggling with

4:46

at the moment, as we're trying to

4:48

understand imperfect democracies, de-democratization

4:50

and so on. And people use

4:52

it in different ways. And I

4:55

think part of the problem with

4:57

illiberal is that liberal is

4:59

such an incredibly broad concept that

5:01

then illiberal becomes everything that

5:04

isn't liberal. The way I've

5:06

defined it is illiberal practices

5:09

to me are infringements on

5:11

the kind of dignity and

5:14

rights of the individual, whereas

5:16

authoritarian practices are,

5:18

as I said, about accountability. So the

5:21

one for me happens more at

5:23

the macro level, whereas

5:25

the other is really micro.

5:27

And it's to me, very

5:29

similar to defining violations of

5:31

human rights. The difference is

5:33

that liberal practices can also

5:35

be engaged in by

5:37

not formally the state by other

5:40

power halls. So that's my particular

5:42

distinction. I've chosen to focus on

5:44

authoritarian practices, because these illiberal practices,

5:47

if they are something very similar

5:49

to violations of human rights, I

5:51

think we already understand quite well

5:54

what that means. And even as

5:56

already a lot of literature on non-state

5:58

actors actually abusing human Yeah, and

6:00

I think you make a very convincing

6:03

case to look at accountability as also

6:05

a way to understand contemporary politics better.

6:07

So at the beginning of your book

6:09

you say that, and I'm quoting that,

6:12

that struggles over accountability have become central

6:14

to contemporary politics. And that for me

6:16

raises that question. So are accountability struggles

6:19

new or have they intensified? So and

6:21

if so, if they have intensified, why?

6:23

So in other words, our authoritarian practice

6:26

is increasing and that's why we should

6:28

be looking at them or

6:30

have they always been there

6:32

but we were not paying

6:34

attention, we didn't have the

6:36

framework to understand them as

6:38

authoritarian? Well, I think it's

6:40

somewhere in between. I think

6:42

the vocabulary and the implicit

6:44

understandings of what power relations

6:46

should or should not be,

6:48

can or cannot be, do

6:50

change over the ages. So

6:52

I think you always have

6:55

contestations of power holders, but

6:57

in early modern times that

6:59

could be kind of in a

7:01

very polite way as a request to

7:03

the sovereign or it could be the

7:05

opposite, it might be quite bloody. Then

7:08

I think from the 19th century,

7:10

more revolutionary vocabulary

7:13

comes with such requests,

7:15

with such contestation, with

7:17

Marxist, communist, anarchist vocabulary behind

7:20

it. And I think in

7:22

the late 20th century as

7:25

democratic norms have really gone

7:27

into even non-democratic societies,

7:30

I think there is much

7:32

more of an understanding of

7:34

the notion that power holders

7:36

of any kind should be

7:38

explaining and justifying their behavior

7:40

to us. So in that

7:42

sense, I think accountability demands

7:44

in that sense, with that

7:46

vocabulary, you need to explain

7:48

and justify that that I

7:50

think is new and that

7:52

has really taken flight maybe

7:54

since the 1970s or the

7:56

1990s, it's difficult to pinpoint

7:58

it very quickly. I think that

8:00

your focus on practices poses

8:03

a particular challenge. Regime

8:05

studies in general, particularly to those

8:07

of us who study democratic regimes,

8:09

who might be less used to

8:11

think in terms of authoritarianism in

8:13

a way. Because once you start

8:15

looking for authoritarian practices, they're everywhere,

8:17

even if you define them as

8:19

accountability sabotage. So you don't kind

8:21

of blur them into anything we

8:23

don't like, right? So it's not

8:25

only governments, but also non-state institutions,

8:27

private institutions that shape many citizens'

8:29

lives, our workplaces, private corporations,

8:31

pretty much all power holders in

8:33

any aspect of our social life

8:35

are liable to at least try

8:38

to evade or sometimes actively suppress

8:40

accountability. And so thinking about this

8:42

in a context in which we

8:44

are worrying about the decline of

8:46

democracy as a regime, how should

8:49

we understand the proliferation of authoritarian

8:51

practices? Are they a prelude to

8:53

open attacks to democratic institutions? Or

8:55

should we see them more as

8:57

an alternative way in which democracy

9:00

is perverted or eroded, even

9:02

without visible institutional change? I

9:04

think the notion of preludes

9:07

or perverts at this time,

9:10

you still kind of imply that

9:12

first we have a perfect democracy,

9:14

and then these perversions

9:17

creep into it. Whereas

9:19

I think we should recognize that

9:21

even in our own society, there

9:24

has never been perfect democracy at

9:26

the societal level of our institutions,

9:28

really. And I don't even want

9:30

to say democratize, because I think

9:32

that's even a heavier concept, but

9:35

kind of really completely internalized in

9:37

seeing the notion of accountability. Certainly,

9:39

if I think of my own

9:41

university context, in the 1960s, 70s,

9:46

there's a real protest culture and students

9:48

had an enormous amount of power.

9:50

And since then, that's been clawed

9:53

back and there's kind of less

9:55

accountability at our level. So I

9:57

prefer to talk of currents or...

10:00

The Rom authoritarians them rather than

10:02

this notion as first we have

10:04

democracy, then we are. So.

10:06

You don't see a work speaking to

10:09

their out there what they say, sen

10:11

Att literature or teasing that that opposition

10:13

leaders sir in general makes the mistake

10:16

of not understanding what the starting point

10:18

is and then maybe overstate. See.

10:20

A sense of democratic regression? Yeah,

10:23

I think it would be the

10:25

last. The remainder is the democratisation

10:27

compared. they're all I think more

10:29

threats to democracy now than there

10:31

were twenty or thirty years ago.

10:33

but on build around may be

10:36

other elements in society have gone

10:38

kind of in the opposite direction

10:40

and I'm thinking for instance now

10:42

or school purse accountability which is

10:44

think it's much more of a

10:46

societal norm. so I don't think

10:48

the democratisation is amiss. It's absolutely.

10:51

There, but it's starting point for

10:53

version of purity. I think it's

10:55

a little. Bit problematic so we.

10:58

Need to somehow develops measures if

11:00

you know. is it getting worse

11:02

and I think the let your

11:04

tone the democratic nation. It tends

11:07

to focus very much on the

11:09

states and state institutions. thought this

11:11

would my practices approach can do

11:13

the second more sociological perks. nothing

11:16

and that the degree to which

11:18

are institutions or democratic is something

11:20

to do with democratic culture our

11:22

culture as of yet. So let's

11:25

just to push you. And they

11:27

said last. Time. So how many

11:29

a three time fact is that?

11:31

Too many if we still accepted

11:33

the our democracies and there are

11:35

autocracies but that you have all

11:37

this every day and practice actually

11:39

permeating the wing which even democratic

11:41

institutions work and actors playing within

11:43

democrats fields work at what point

11:45

did after they in practice accumulates

11:48

so much that accountability becomes a

11:50

som and we should talk about

11:52

that the Mci regime as something

11:54

else. Yes, I don't think we

11:56

can say twenty seven is too many. I

11:58

didn't think I don't have answers. You

12:00

were looking for either. I think

12:02

one of the things that help

12:05

a measure of this is the

12:07

extent to which something appear relatively

12:09

isolated and shocking and said that.

12:14

Part of my definition. and then if

12:17

and when such a thing comes out,

12:19

it's become the town. Though this may

12:21

be parliamentary inquiry is something that some

12:24

for the self rectifying mechanism if not,

12:26

is still in place, then maybe you

12:28

don't need to be so. Worried at

12:30

the point that it kind of big

12:33

hand. Over it's it's going

12:35

to population know this is the way

12:37

it is. It's this kind of some

12:40

sort of permanence unacceptability to read the

12:42

direction where it becomes too much as

12:44

they were, but I still think that

12:47

can sometimes be the case in some

12:49

areas and loathing others said. he gave

12:51

just one example. I think the extent

12:53

to which notice private corporations with those

12:56

who the state. Invades our privacy

12:58

at the digital level the extent

13:00

to which is nice secret services

13:02

who were up our data to

13:04

find out would have some of

13:06

us might be terrorists. I think

13:08

that's. Another aspect where most

13:11

Western democracies. Of beyond the

13:13

line of would icing his democratic and

13:15

accountable but it doesn't turn them into

13:17

with hurting machine so he of months

13:19

already more than one corporate actor so

13:22

I wanted to us something about that.

13:24

You have recently published an article in

13:26

which she take these other damn practices

13:29

lands at say a transnational corporations It's

13:31

entitled one hundred Years of Authoritarian Practices

13:33

United Fruit and it's banana plantation workers

13:35

and the we can burning to.to call

13:38

in our episode now and again it's

13:40

and other and of brilliant. Piece of

13:42

work and in the article his so

13:45

called multinational corporations not only to deal

13:47

with authoritarian regime that may help them

13:49

survive which is something that seemed more

13:51

thoroughly the same investigated or they themselves

13:54

can be the ones that directly engage

13:56

in authoritarian practices I can be to

13:58

drive as of authoritarian. And in

14:00

fact interestingly the term Banana Republic of

14:03

which is now of the use very

14:05

loosely to mean a country with then

14:07

incompetent government are useless. Governments originally meant

14:09

a country whose economy was so dependent

14:12

on banana plantations that that politics with

14:14

pretty much controlled by the corporations that

14:16

own does plantations and seen a weight

14:18

and of in their original you that

14:20

the term the agency of corporations was

14:23

very much present than it's been lost

14:25

in the usage or not if we

14:27

take the potential process for corporations to

14:29

be. A three here and agents.

14:31

They have power over our economic

14:34

lives and political lives in many

14:36

places and then add to it

14:38

to the unprecedented capital accumulation that

14:40

we are witnessing globally. That puts

14:42

a certain companies in Southern individuals

14:45

outside of the reach of the

14:47

states and of democratic institutions. What

14:49

does this mean for the prospects

14:51

of building and maintaining democratic accountability

14:54

like a weed? Do what they

14:56

think. The first thing to say

14:58

is the extent to which corporations.

15:00

Including multinational corporations aren't going

15:03

to be engaging and author

15:05

a tear in practices is

15:07

get is very variable and.depends

15:09

I think the launch li

15:12

own the incentives who wanting

15:14

in some way to engage

15:16

with routine practices and I've

15:18

kind of listed a bunch

15:21

of very likely incentives. If

15:23

your business model depends on

15:25

she thirty dangerous labor that

15:28

could be an incentive is.

15:30

A year in the extractive industries

15:32

and you kind of very dependent

15:34

on very specific lander you just

15:36

need to get your hands will

15:38

not sure likely to need to

15:40

be doing business in order to

15:42

resume. so does this. A bunch

15:44

of skirt conditions are going to

15:47

make the more likely filtering the

15:49

scope conditions that are going to

15:51

make it less likely serves his

15:53

new. depend for instance on on

15:55

very highly educated the motivated professionals

15:57

for a business that my make

16:00

it less likely or for some

16:02

reason you have a long standing

16:04

company culture of transparency, you're going

16:07

to be less likely to engage

16:09

in authoritarian practices. So that I

16:11

think is the first thing to

16:14

say. Then secondly, I think capital

16:16

accumulation kind of, we know it

16:18

correlates negatively with, and then I

16:20

go back to regime level, levels

16:23

of democracy, but we

16:25

don't understand the mechanisms for

16:27

that very well yet. So

16:29

whether it is the bigger the

16:32

company, the nastier, for instance, or

16:34

whether it's levels of income inequality,

16:36

the driver there for the democratization,

16:39

we don't really know very well

16:41

what is going on there. And

16:43

I think we just need a

16:46

lot of more research. What strikes

16:48

me is that multinational corporations, they

16:50

operate at a global level by

16:53

definition, but they would encounter different

16:55

contexts. And so what you say

16:57

in the article, that they have,

17:00

that you show how United Fruit have adapted

17:02

their, the ways in which they operated

17:05

and also the kind of authoritarian

17:07

practices that they use in different

17:09

contexts over time also applies over

17:11

geography in the sense that the

17:14

same multinational corporation might have very

17:16

different practices in different places. So

17:18

does that mean that the regime

17:20

intended as the kind of state

17:22

bound unit makes a difference in

17:24

that sense that multinational corporations would

17:27

operate in specific ways in democracies

17:29

and in different ways in autocracies

17:31

or there are other dimensions that

17:33

make a difference. So there'll be

17:35

some portions of the population that

17:37

will be at the kind of

17:39

receiving end of authoritarian practices also

17:41

within democracies more than other portions

17:43

of the population. Yeah, so I

17:45

think there's a lot more to

17:47

it. So yeah, autocracy, democracy does

17:49

make some difference, but precisely in

17:51

that United Fruit article, I looked

17:53

at a plantation that was kind

17:55

of spread across the border between

17:57

Costa Rica and Panama. And so

18:00

Most of the period Costa Rica was

18:02

a formal democracy and Panama was not

18:04

and it didn't seem to make that

18:07

much difference to the practices. Another thing

18:09

that's going to make a lot of

18:11

difference is whether the product in question

18:14

is close to consumers and

18:16

has a lot of value to

18:18

consumers. At some point we got

18:20

a demand for bananas that should

18:23

be more ecologically produced but also

18:25

workers rights should be better

18:27

protected. You've got premium bananas that they

18:30

met those specifications, supply and demand but

18:32

it didn't work so well for bananas

18:34

because it turned out people still want

18:37

most people want their bananas to be

18:39

relatively cheap. When it comes to diamonds

18:41

it seems to have a kind of

18:44

much stronger mechanism because it's such a

18:46

high value added to product so there's

18:48

a lot more going on than in

18:50

which country they operate. Yeah so this

18:53

to put it crudely about capitalism. You

18:55

don't use the word a

18:57

lot but there is a

19:00

big literature about the relationship

19:02

between capitalism and democracy and

19:04

potential conflicts between the two.

19:06

Is this about how capitalism

19:08

has developed and it's changing

19:10

and what effect it has

19:12

on the accountability and possibilities

19:14

for new actors or growing

19:16

actors, corporations to frustrate accountability

19:18

for profit motives or is

19:20

it not such a systemic

19:22

problem? I think some authors

19:24

treat it in that manner. I

19:27

take a slightly different approach.

19:29

I'm interested in the corporation as

19:31

an organizational environment so that's why

19:34

it is in the same book

19:36

with the Catholic Church and Secret

19:38

Services to kind of get more

19:41

of an empirical operationalization of this

19:43

notion of authoritarian practices in an

19:46

organized context. What does that context

19:48

mean? How do employees

19:51

in a firm imbibe certain

19:53

cultures and ideas about

19:55

appropriate behavior? So I'm less

20:00

corporation are standing for

20:02

capitalism with a capital C. Of

20:04

course, corporations are different because they

20:06

have a profit motive, but there's

20:08

also a lot of

20:10

literature that says corporations are more

20:13

than just profit maximizers. And I

20:15

personally find them most interested in

20:17

their organizational capacity. Yeah, I

20:20

think that works very, very

20:22

well also to make this

20:24

comparison. They at first, I

20:26

think wild, but then they

20:28

bring home really how different

20:30

kinds of actors that operate

20:33

in different, very different kinds

20:35

of also territorial contexts and

20:37

territorial articulations can pervert accountability.

20:39

And just to close, I'd

20:41

like you to give an

20:43

example of silencing secrecy and

20:46

subterfuge, which are three authoritarian

20:48

practices that you discuss, but

20:50

with in mind the idea that people

20:52

might want to know how to recognize

20:54

them and how to fight against them.

20:57

So what are silencing secrets in subterfuge

20:59

and how should we respond to them?

21:01

And how should we try and recognize

21:04

them and push back? Let

21:06

me give you an example from

21:08

my own country, the Netherlands. One of

21:10

the kind of big state institutions

21:12

here that has been through a

21:15

major scandal in recent years is

21:17

actually the tax office. And as

21:19

is often the case with authoritarian

21:21

practices, it begins with

21:23

a behavior that is illegal

21:25

or at least frowned upon.

21:28

And here the tax office

21:30

in relation to a particular

21:32

tax break in benefits, child

21:34

benefits or rather benefits rebates

21:36

for childcare, they were

21:38

looking for fraud and they were

21:41

really engaging in ethnic profiling as

21:43

they were doing so. You know,

21:45

people with exotic surnames or who

21:47

were born outside the country were

21:49

really kind of modest and treated

21:51

very harshly. That in itself could

21:53

be an illiberal practice. But then

21:56

on top of that, when it

21:58

become uncovered, they are losing. using

22:00

documents, destroying documents, the Ministry of

22:02

Finance, lies about this in Parliament,

22:05

and there's also silencing. So

22:07

some of the whistleblowers who brought

22:09

this out in the open were

22:11

actually suspended by the tax office.

22:14

So that combination was a lot

22:16

more secrecy than this information that

22:19

was silencing, but it was also

22:21

silencing. That would be kind of

22:23

a very concrete example of, oh, you

22:25

see that combination. But that's still at

22:28

a level of national state institutions.

22:30

It might also be that your

22:32

child attends a boarding school. We

22:34

know because boarding schools are quite

22:36

closed organizations, there can be abusive

22:39

practices there, it might be bullying.

22:41

And if you see that a

22:43

complaint is then being treated by

22:45

evasion, by lies, but also by

22:47

somehow silencing the people who are

22:49

first bringing it up, that's when

22:51

alarm bells should start to ring.

22:53

Yeah, that's very interesting. There is

22:55

a book by Sarah Ahmed where

22:57

she discussed the complaints, and she says

23:00

that complaints are the ways of knowing

23:02

institutions. Once you lodge a complaint, you

23:04

become the problem, you see how the

23:06

institution operates. So in a way, she's

23:09

not talking about authoritarianism, but points to

23:11

the same kinds of ways in which

23:13

institutions work. And that, to me, also

23:15

points to the importance of looking at

23:18

institutions and organizations as institutions and organizations.

23:20

So where will you study authoritarian practices

23:22

take you next? So are you looking

23:24

to look at different kinds of authoritarian

23:27

practices now by different actors?

23:29

Or what are you working

23:31

on now that uses this

23:33

framework? I'm actually kind of

23:35

switching topic a little bit,

23:37

and engaging in some new

23:39

research that is not directly

23:41

about authoritarian practices, although I'm

23:43

certainly expecting to find them. As

23:46

I already mentioned, it seems

23:49

to be the case, not

23:51

just that there's a virtuous

23:53

cycle between democratization and economic

23:55

equality, but also between the

23:58

democratization and increasing within. country

24:00

inequality. So I've become very

24:03

interested in inequality and specifically

24:05

the kind of very top

24:07

of the wealth distribution, the

24:09

super rich. So I'm beginning

24:12

to do some research on the

24:15

tax politics of the super rich,

24:17

which is not just whether they

24:19

pay their taxes, it's about whether

24:21

they pay money to lobbying organizations,

24:23

whether they themselves engage in anti-tide

24:25

rhetoric, whether they move to Monaco

24:28

and so on and so forth.

24:30

So that is my new research,

24:32

which is still something to

24:34

do with accountability issues, but

24:36

it's also taking me in a

24:38

new direction. That's very fascinating and

24:40

also to me kind of brings

24:43

again this transnational importance of the

24:45

transnational dimension, right? Because you have

24:47

this transnational infrastructure for wealth management,

24:49

it's called, that probably comes into

24:52

the picture there. And it's got

24:54

also to do with evading accountability,

24:56

would you say? Yeah, but I

24:59

think there's a lot more secrecy

25:01

and disinformation than there is

25:03

silencing. There's less of the kind

25:05

of overt repression in new research

25:08

design. So thank you. We come to

25:10

the end of our podcast and

25:12

I really want to thank you, Marlies,

25:14

for joining the People Power Politics podcast

25:16

and for talking to us about authoritarian

25:19

practices and about your new exciting work.

25:21

So hopefully we'll have you again in

25:23

a few months or a year no

25:26

more about how that's going. I really

25:28

want to encourage the listeners to read

25:30

your work, which I think fundamentally challenges

25:32

the way we tend to think of

25:34

political regimes as self-contained, coherent units and

25:36

the most important units to think about

25:38

political reality and instead brings in

25:40

all these contradictions, non-state actors, transnational

25:43

dimensions that are really, really, important

25:45

to shaping contemporary political life. So

25:47

thank you very much. I

25:50

am Lita Channiti, Deputy Director of SIDA

25:52

and the host of this People Power

25:54

Politics podcast episode. I've been talking to

25:56

Marlies Glasses, Professor of International Relations at

25:58

the University of Amsterdam. Thank you.

26:32

Thank you.

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