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0:01
Welcome to the new Books Network. Welcome
0:06
to the People Power Politics podcast,
0:08
brought to you by CEDA, the
0:11
Center for Elections, Democracy, Accountability and
0:13
Representation at the University of Birmingham.
0:19
Hi everyone and thanks for joining us. I
0:22
am Lita Cianetti, Deputy Director of CEDA, and
0:24
I'm going to be your host for this
0:26
episode. Today I am delighted
0:28
to welcome Marlis Gladius, who is Professor
0:30
of International Relations at the University of
0:32
Amsterdam, and author of a new book on
0:34
authoritarian practices in a global age. Welcome
0:37
to the podcast, Marlis. So
0:39
Marlis, your book was published by Oxford
0:41
University Press in 2023, and it's a
0:43
brilliant book, which opens up a new
0:45
way of thinking about authoritarianism through the
0:47
lenses of practice. So the way I
0:49
read the book, and what I find
0:51
really interesting about your work in general,
0:54
is that it challenges our usual way
0:56
of thinking about regimes as coherent entities. So
0:59
we are either in a democracy or in
1:01
an autocracy, and democracies behave in a certain
1:03
way, and autocracies behave in a certain different
1:05
way. So instead
1:07
you show how authoritarian practices are not
1:09
the sole remit of authoritarian regimes, but
1:12
can take place within democracies and can
1:14
be done by actors other than states.
1:17
So you have these five very rich
1:19
empirical chapters, and I suggest the listeners
1:21
go and read your book. Can you
1:24
discuss cases as varied as people with
1:26
migrant background living in democratic
1:28
countries, but facing political repression from
1:30
their country of origin? The practice
1:32
of extraordinary rendition by the CIA,
1:34
the decision making around who gets
1:36
listed or delisted from the Security
1:39
Council terrorist sanction list, the activities
1:41
of multinational mining corporations in the
1:43
Democratic Republic of Congo, and the
1:45
way the Catholic Church dealt with
1:47
evidence of sexual abuse of miners.
1:49
So to get us started, what
1:51
do these things have in common?
1:53
What is an authoritarian practice and
1:56
how do we know One when we see it? Give
2:01
you my. Definition of first
2:03
developed it possible for a terry
2:05
and practices on the it said.
2:07
The reason I wanted to do
2:09
not because I think in our
2:12
Trump national well said his used
2:14
for Nelson A D. Democratizing Well
2:16
do get away from this classification
2:18
of you know you're either an
2:20
authoritarian regime worry a democratic country.
2:22
Sometimes there's been a middle constantly
2:25
that sell I found the hottest
2:27
static a practice and I stay.
2:29
Can this from practice? Theory is
2:31
quite simply. Saturn of action some
2:33
sort of routine behavior that at
2:35
again and again within an organized
2:37
com so it's not a single
2:40
person doing not and authoritarians practice
2:42
is a little bit more complicated.
2:44
I've kind of redefine to authoritarianism
2:46
because when we do to the
2:48
level of states we tend to
2:50
think of what's or terrain is
2:52
and are no free and fair
2:54
elections and all know civil and
2:56
political rights and other than work
2:58
when you take it to all
3:01
the site through practices I sort
3:03
of what our elections there a
3:05
mechanism for accountability were tearing his
3:07
I'm from able to. Return practices
3:09
are kind of access li
3:12
summer time getting accountability Safe
3:14
accountability. Is explaining and just
3:16
the flying policies and actions
3:18
to people over whom you
3:21
have some sort of formal
3:23
power and allowing them to
3:25
have criticism, pass judgment. And
3:27
sometimes in accountability is instead of
3:29
explaining and justifying you being secretive
3:32
and lying, and instead of allowing
3:34
critiques and judgments, you're actually silencing
3:36
people. You do. They say that
3:38
to me a roofer during practices
3:40
I must say a lot of
3:43
people could either the book or
3:45
the article that came before in
3:47
two thousand and eighteen. That kind
3:49
of stakeholders the notion of authoritarians
3:51
practices to get away from regimes
3:54
that then there are a lot
3:56
more loose than. I am about
3:58
what constitutes or. And
4:01
I guess that's okay. I
4:03
don't have ownership over what
4:05
this concept means, but I
4:07
do worry that kind of lays
4:09
academic open to the accusation of,
4:11
oh, you just call anything you
4:13
don't know, unlike authoritarian. That's why
4:15
I do kind of fall to
4:17
a strict definition. You make
4:20
a distinction between authoritarian practices
4:22
and illiberal practices. And maybe is
4:24
that where some of the misuses,
4:26
let's say, of your concept come
4:29
from? So why would we need
4:31
to distinguish between the two? And
4:33
what are liberal practices? Are they
4:35
relevant to your work? Or do
4:37
you define them just to say, okay,
4:39
this is not what I'm looking at?
4:42
So yeah, authoritarian versus illiberal is something
4:44
I think people are really struggling with
4:46
at the moment, as we're trying to
4:48
understand imperfect democracies, de-democratization
4:50
and so on. And people use
4:52
it in different ways. And I
4:55
think part of the problem with
4:57
illiberal is that liberal is
4:59
such an incredibly broad concept that
5:01
then illiberal becomes everything that
5:04
isn't liberal. The way I've
5:06
defined it is illiberal practices
5:09
to me are infringements on
5:11
the kind of dignity and
5:14
rights of the individual, whereas
5:16
authoritarian practices are,
5:18
as I said, about accountability. So the
5:21
one for me happens more at
5:23
the macro level, whereas
5:25
the other is really micro.
5:27
And it's to me, very
5:29
similar to defining violations of
5:31
human rights. The difference is
5:33
that liberal practices can also
5:35
be engaged in by
5:37
not formally the state by other
5:40
power halls. So that's my particular
5:42
distinction. I've chosen to focus on
5:44
authoritarian practices, because these illiberal practices,
5:47
if they are something very similar
5:49
to violations of human rights, I
5:51
think we already understand quite well
5:54
what that means. And even as
5:56
already a lot of literature on non-state
5:58
actors actually abusing human Yeah, and
6:00
I think you make a very convincing
6:03
case to look at accountability as also
6:05
a way to understand contemporary politics better.
6:07
So at the beginning of your book
6:09
you say that, and I'm quoting that,
6:12
that struggles over accountability have become central
6:14
to contemporary politics. And that for me
6:16
raises that question. So are accountability struggles
6:19
new or have they intensified? So and
6:21
if so, if they have intensified, why?
6:23
So in other words, our authoritarian practice
6:26
is increasing and that's why we should
6:28
be looking at them or
6:30
have they always been there
6:32
but we were not paying
6:34
attention, we didn't have the
6:36
framework to understand them as
6:38
authoritarian? Well, I think it's
6:40
somewhere in between. I think
6:42
the vocabulary and the implicit
6:44
understandings of what power relations
6:46
should or should not be,
6:48
can or cannot be, do
6:50
change over the ages. So
6:52
I think you always have
6:55
contestations of power holders, but
6:57
in early modern times that
6:59
could be kind of in a
7:01
very polite way as a request to
7:03
the sovereign or it could be the
7:05
opposite, it might be quite bloody. Then
7:08
I think from the 19th century,
7:10
more revolutionary vocabulary
7:13
comes with such requests,
7:15
with such contestation, with
7:17
Marxist, communist, anarchist vocabulary behind
7:20
it. And I think in
7:22
the late 20th century as
7:25
democratic norms have really gone
7:27
into even non-democratic societies,
7:30
I think there is much
7:32
more of an understanding of
7:34
the notion that power holders
7:36
of any kind should be
7:38
explaining and justifying their behavior
7:40
to us. So in that
7:42
sense, I think accountability demands
7:44
in that sense, with that
7:46
vocabulary, you need to explain
7:48
and justify that that I
7:50
think is new and that
7:52
has really taken flight maybe
7:54
since the 1970s or the
7:56
1990s, it's difficult to pinpoint
7:58
it very quickly. I think that
8:00
your focus on practices poses
8:03
a particular challenge. Regime
8:05
studies in general, particularly to those
8:07
of us who study democratic regimes,
8:09
who might be less used to
8:11
think in terms of authoritarianism in
8:13
a way. Because once you start
8:15
looking for authoritarian practices, they're everywhere,
8:17
even if you define them as
8:19
accountability sabotage. So you don't kind
8:21
of blur them into anything we
8:23
don't like, right? So it's not
8:25
only governments, but also non-state institutions,
8:27
private institutions that shape many citizens'
8:29
lives, our workplaces, private corporations,
8:31
pretty much all power holders in
8:33
any aspect of our social life
8:35
are liable to at least try
8:38
to evade or sometimes actively suppress
8:40
accountability. And so thinking about this
8:42
in a context in which we
8:44
are worrying about the decline of
8:46
democracy as a regime, how should
8:49
we understand the proliferation of authoritarian
8:51
practices? Are they a prelude to
8:53
open attacks to democratic institutions? Or
8:55
should we see them more as
8:57
an alternative way in which democracy
9:00
is perverted or eroded, even
9:02
without visible institutional change? I
9:04
think the notion of preludes
9:07
or perverts at this time,
9:10
you still kind of imply that
9:12
first we have a perfect democracy,
9:14
and then these perversions
9:17
creep into it. Whereas
9:19
I think we should recognize that
9:21
even in our own society, there
9:24
has never been perfect democracy at
9:26
the societal level of our institutions,
9:28
really. And I don't even want
9:30
to say democratize, because I think
9:32
that's even a heavier concept, but
9:35
kind of really completely internalized in
9:37
seeing the notion of accountability. Certainly,
9:39
if I think of my own
9:41
university context, in the 1960s, 70s,
9:46
there's a real protest culture and students
9:48
had an enormous amount of power.
9:50
And since then, that's been clawed
9:53
back and there's kind of less
9:55
accountability at our level. So I
9:57
prefer to talk of currents or...
10:00
The Rom authoritarians them rather than
10:02
this notion as first we have
10:04
democracy, then we are. So.
10:06
You don't see a work speaking to
10:09
their out there what they say, sen
10:11
Att literature or teasing that that opposition
10:13
leaders sir in general makes the mistake
10:16
of not understanding what the starting point
10:18
is and then maybe overstate. See.
10:20
A sense of democratic regression? Yeah,
10:23
I think it would be the
10:25
last. The remainder is the democratisation
10:27
compared. they're all I think more
10:29
threats to democracy now than there
10:31
were twenty or thirty years ago.
10:33
but on build around may be
10:36
other elements in society have gone
10:38
kind of in the opposite direction
10:40
and I'm thinking for instance now
10:42
or school purse accountability which is
10:44
think it's much more of a
10:46
societal norm. so I don't think
10:48
the democratisation is amiss. It's absolutely.
10:51
There, but it's starting point for
10:53
version of purity. I think it's
10:55
a little. Bit problematic so we.
10:58
Need to somehow develops measures if
11:00
you know. is it getting worse
11:02
and I think the let your
11:04
tone the democratic nation. It tends
11:07
to focus very much on the
11:09
states and state institutions. thought this
11:11
would my practices approach can do
11:13
the second more sociological perks. nothing
11:16
and that the degree to which
11:18
are institutions or democratic is something
11:20
to do with democratic culture our
11:22
culture as of yet. So let's
11:25
just to push you. And they
11:27
said last. Time. So how many
11:29
a three time fact is that?
11:31
Too many if we still accepted
11:33
the our democracies and there are
11:35
autocracies but that you have all
11:37
this every day and practice actually
11:39
permeating the wing which even democratic
11:41
institutions work and actors playing within
11:43
democrats fields work at what point
11:45
did after they in practice accumulates
11:48
so much that accountability becomes a
11:50
som and we should talk about
11:52
that the Mci regime as something
11:54
else. Yes, I don't think we
11:56
can say twenty seven is too many. I
11:58
didn't think I don't have answers. You
12:00
were looking for either. I think
12:02
one of the things that help
12:05
a measure of this is the
12:07
extent to which something appear relatively
12:09
isolated and shocking and said that.
12:14
Part of my definition. and then if
12:17
and when such a thing comes out,
12:19
it's become the town. Though this may
12:21
be parliamentary inquiry is something that some
12:24
for the self rectifying mechanism if not,
12:26
is still in place, then maybe you
12:28
don't need to be so. Worried at
12:30
the point that it kind of big
12:33
hand. Over it's it's going
12:35
to population know this is the way
12:37
it is. It's this kind of some
12:40
sort of permanence unacceptability to read the
12:42
direction where it becomes too much as
12:44
they were, but I still think that
12:47
can sometimes be the case in some
12:49
areas and loathing others said. he gave
12:51
just one example. I think the extent
12:53
to which notice private corporations with those
12:56
who the state. Invades our privacy
12:58
at the digital level the extent
13:00
to which is nice secret services
13:02
who were up our data to
13:04
find out would have some of
13:06
us might be terrorists. I think
13:08
that's. Another aspect where most
13:11
Western democracies. Of beyond the
13:13
line of would icing his democratic and
13:15
accountable but it doesn't turn them into
13:17
with hurting machine so he of months
13:19
already more than one corporate actor so
13:22
I wanted to us something about that.
13:24
You have recently published an article in
13:26
which she take these other damn practices
13:29
lands at say a transnational corporations It's
13:31
entitled one hundred Years of Authoritarian Practices
13:33
United Fruit and it's banana plantation workers
13:35
and the we can burning to.to call
13:38
in our episode now and again it's
13:40
and other and of brilliant. Piece of
13:42
work and in the article his so
13:45
called multinational corporations not only to deal
13:47
with authoritarian regime that may help them
13:49
survive which is something that seemed more
13:51
thoroughly the same investigated or they themselves
13:54
can be the ones that directly engage
13:56
in authoritarian practices I can be to
13:58
drive as of authoritarian. And in
14:00
fact interestingly the term Banana Republic of
14:03
which is now of the use very
14:05
loosely to mean a country with then
14:07
incompetent government are useless. Governments originally meant
14:09
a country whose economy was so dependent
14:12
on banana plantations that that politics with
14:14
pretty much controlled by the corporations that
14:16
own does plantations and seen a weight
14:18
and of in their original you that
14:20
the term the agency of corporations was
14:23
very much present than it's been lost
14:25
in the usage or not if we
14:27
take the potential process for corporations to
14:29
be. A three here and agents.
14:31
They have power over our economic
14:34
lives and political lives in many
14:36
places and then add to it
14:38
to the unprecedented capital accumulation that
14:40
we are witnessing globally. That puts
14:42
a certain companies in Southern individuals
14:45
outside of the reach of the
14:47
states and of democratic institutions. What
14:49
does this mean for the prospects
14:51
of building and maintaining democratic accountability
14:54
like a weed? Do what they
14:56
think. The first thing to say
14:58
is the extent to which corporations.
15:00
Including multinational corporations aren't going
15:03
to be engaging and author
15:05
a tear in practices is
15:07
get is very variable and.depends
15:09
I think the launch li
15:12
own the incentives who wanting
15:14
in some way to engage
15:16
with routine practices and I've
15:18
kind of listed a bunch
15:21
of very likely incentives. If
15:23
your business model depends on
15:25
she thirty dangerous labor that
15:28
could be an incentive is.
15:30
A year in the extractive industries
15:32
and you kind of very dependent
15:34
on very specific lander you just
15:36
need to get your hands will
15:38
not sure likely to need to
15:40
be doing business in order to
15:42
resume. so does this. A bunch
15:44
of skirt conditions are going to
15:47
make the more likely filtering the
15:49
scope conditions that are going to
15:51
make it less likely serves his
15:53
new. depend for instance on on
15:55
very highly educated the motivated professionals
15:57
for a business that my make
16:00
it less likely or for some
16:02
reason you have a long standing
16:04
company culture of transparency, you're going
16:07
to be less likely to engage
16:09
in authoritarian practices. So that I
16:11
think is the first thing to
16:14
say. Then secondly, I think capital
16:16
accumulation kind of, we know it
16:18
correlates negatively with, and then I
16:20
go back to regime level, levels
16:23
of democracy, but we
16:25
don't understand the mechanisms for
16:27
that very well yet. So
16:29
whether it is the bigger the
16:32
company, the nastier, for instance, or
16:34
whether it's levels of income inequality,
16:36
the driver there for the democratization,
16:39
we don't really know very well
16:41
what is going on there. And
16:43
I think we just need a
16:46
lot of more research. What strikes
16:48
me is that multinational corporations, they
16:50
operate at a global level by
16:53
definition, but they would encounter different
16:55
contexts. And so what you say
16:57
in the article, that they have,
17:00
that you show how United Fruit have adapted
17:02
their, the ways in which they operated
17:05
and also the kind of authoritarian
17:07
practices that they use in different
17:09
contexts over time also applies over
17:11
geography in the sense that the
17:14
same multinational corporation might have very
17:16
different practices in different places. So
17:18
does that mean that the regime
17:20
intended as the kind of state
17:22
bound unit makes a difference in
17:24
that sense that multinational corporations would
17:27
operate in specific ways in democracies
17:29
and in different ways in autocracies
17:31
or there are other dimensions that
17:33
make a difference. So there'll be
17:35
some portions of the population that
17:37
will be at the kind of
17:39
receiving end of authoritarian practices also
17:41
within democracies more than other portions
17:43
of the population. Yeah, so I
17:45
think there's a lot more to
17:47
it. So yeah, autocracy, democracy does
17:49
make some difference, but precisely in
17:51
that United Fruit article, I looked
17:53
at a plantation that was kind
17:55
of spread across the border between
17:57
Costa Rica and Panama. And so
18:00
Most of the period Costa Rica was
18:02
a formal democracy and Panama was not
18:04
and it didn't seem to make that
18:07
much difference to the practices. Another thing
18:09
that's going to make a lot of
18:11
difference is whether the product in question
18:14
is close to consumers and
18:16
has a lot of value to
18:18
consumers. At some point we got
18:20
a demand for bananas that should
18:23
be more ecologically produced but also
18:25
workers rights should be better
18:27
protected. You've got premium bananas that they
18:30
met those specifications, supply and demand but
18:32
it didn't work so well for bananas
18:34
because it turned out people still want
18:37
most people want their bananas to be
18:39
relatively cheap. When it comes to diamonds
18:41
it seems to have a kind of
18:44
much stronger mechanism because it's such a
18:46
high value added to product so there's
18:48
a lot more going on than in
18:50
which country they operate. Yeah so this
18:53
to put it crudely about capitalism. You
18:55
don't use the word a
18:57
lot but there is a
19:00
big literature about the relationship
19:02
between capitalism and democracy and
19:04
potential conflicts between the two.
19:06
Is this about how capitalism
19:08
has developed and it's changing
19:10
and what effect it has
19:12
on the accountability and possibilities
19:14
for new actors or growing
19:16
actors, corporations to frustrate accountability
19:18
for profit motives or is
19:20
it not such a systemic
19:22
problem? I think some authors
19:24
treat it in that manner. I
19:27
take a slightly different approach.
19:29
I'm interested in the corporation as
19:31
an organizational environment so that's why
19:34
it is in the same book
19:36
with the Catholic Church and Secret
19:38
Services to kind of get more
19:41
of an empirical operationalization of this
19:43
notion of authoritarian practices in an
19:46
organized context. What does that context
19:48
mean? How do employees
19:51
in a firm imbibe certain
19:53
cultures and ideas about
19:55
appropriate behavior? So I'm less
20:00
corporation are standing for
20:02
capitalism with a capital C. Of
20:04
course, corporations are different because they
20:06
have a profit motive, but there's
20:08
also a lot of
20:10
literature that says corporations are more
20:13
than just profit maximizers. And I
20:15
personally find them most interested in
20:17
their organizational capacity. Yeah, I
20:20
think that works very, very
20:22
well also to make this
20:24
comparison. They at first, I
20:26
think wild, but then they
20:28
bring home really how different
20:30
kinds of actors that operate
20:33
in different, very different kinds
20:35
of also territorial contexts and
20:37
territorial articulations can pervert accountability.
20:39
And just to close, I'd
20:41
like you to give an
20:43
example of silencing secrecy and
20:46
subterfuge, which are three authoritarian
20:48
practices that you discuss, but
20:50
with in mind the idea that people
20:52
might want to know how to recognize
20:54
them and how to fight against them.
20:57
So what are silencing secrets in subterfuge
20:59
and how should we respond to them?
21:01
And how should we try and recognize
21:04
them and push back? Let
21:06
me give you an example from
21:08
my own country, the Netherlands. One of
21:10
the kind of big state institutions
21:12
here that has been through a
21:15
major scandal in recent years is
21:17
actually the tax office. And as
21:19
is often the case with authoritarian
21:21
practices, it begins with
21:23
a behavior that is illegal
21:25
or at least frowned upon.
21:28
And here the tax office
21:30
in relation to a particular
21:32
tax break in benefits, child
21:34
benefits or rather benefits rebates
21:36
for childcare, they were
21:38
looking for fraud and they were
21:41
really engaging in ethnic profiling as
21:43
they were doing so. You know,
21:45
people with exotic surnames or who
21:47
were born outside the country were
21:49
really kind of modest and treated
21:51
very harshly. That in itself could
21:53
be an illiberal practice. But then
21:56
on top of that, when it
21:58
become uncovered, they are losing. using
22:00
documents, destroying documents, the Ministry of
22:02
Finance, lies about this in Parliament,
22:05
and there's also silencing. So
22:07
some of the whistleblowers who brought
22:09
this out in the open were
22:11
actually suspended by the tax office.
22:14
So that combination was a lot
22:16
more secrecy than this information that
22:19
was silencing, but it was also
22:21
silencing. That would be kind of
22:23
a very concrete example of, oh, you
22:25
see that combination. But that's still at
22:28
a level of national state institutions.
22:30
It might also be that your
22:32
child attends a boarding school. We
22:34
know because boarding schools are quite
22:36
closed organizations, there can be abusive
22:39
practices there, it might be bullying.
22:41
And if you see that a
22:43
complaint is then being treated by
22:45
evasion, by lies, but also by
22:47
somehow silencing the people who are
22:49
first bringing it up, that's when
22:51
alarm bells should start to ring.
22:53
Yeah, that's very interesting. There is
22:55
a book by Sarah Ahmed where
22:57
she discussed the complaints, and she says
23:00
that complaints are the ways of knowing
23:02
institutions. Once you lodge a complaint, you
23:04
become the problem, you see how the
23:06
institution operates. So in a way, she's
23:09
not talking about authoritarianism, but points to
23:11
the same kinds of ways in which
23:13
institutions work. And that, to me, also
23:15
points to the importance of looking at
23:18
institutions and organizations as institutions and organizations.
23:20
So where will you study authoritarian practices
23:22
take you next? So are you looking
23:24
to look at different kinds of authoritarian
23:27
practices now by different actors?
23:29
Or what are you working
23:31
on now that uses this
23:33
framework? I'm actually kind of
23:35
switching topic a little bit,
23:37
and engaging in some new
23:39
research that is not directly
23:41
about authoritarian practices, although I'm
23:43
certainly expecting to find them. As
23:46
I already mentioned, it seems
23:49
to be the case, not
23:51
just that there's a virtuous
23:53
cycle between democratization and economic
23:55
equality, but also between the
23:58
democratization and increasing within. country
24:00
inequality. So I've become very
24:03
interested in inequality and specifically
24:05
the kind of very top
24:07
of the wealth distribution, the
24:09
super rich. So I'm beginning
24:12
to do some research on the
24:15
tax politics of the super rich,
24:17
which is not just whether they
24:19
pay their taxes, it's about whether
24:21
they pay money to lobbying organizations,
24:23
whether they themselves engage in anti-tide
24:25
rhetoric, whether they move to Monaco
24:28
and so on and so forth.
24:30
So that is my new research,
24:32
which is still something to
24:34
do with accountability issues, but
24:36
it's also taking me in a
24:38
new direction. That's very fascinating and
24:40
also to me kind of brings
24:43
again this transnational importance of the
24:45
transnational dimension, right? Because you have
24:47
this transnational infrastructure for wealth management,
24:49
it's called, that probably comes into
24:52
the picture there. And it's got
24:54
also to do with evading accountability,
24:56
would you say? Yeah, but I
24:59
think there's a lot more secrecy
25:01
and disinformation than there is
25:03
silencing. There's less of the kind
25:05
of overt repression in new research
25:08
design. So thank you. We come to
25:10
the end of our podcast and
25:12
I really want to thank you, Marlies,
25:14
for joining the People Power Politics podcast
25:16
and for talking to us about authoritarian
25:19
practices and about your new exciting work.
25:21
So hopefully we'll have you again in
25:23
a few months or a year no
25:26
more about how that's going. I really
25:28
want to encourage the listeners to read
25:30
your work, which I think fundamentally challenges
25:32
the way we tend to think of
25:34
political regimes as self-contained, coherent units and
25:36
the most important units to think about
25:38
political reality and instead brings in
25:40
all these contradictions, non-state actors, transnational
25:43
dimensions that are really, really, important
25:45
to shaping contemporary political life. So
25:47
thank you very much. I
25:50
am Lita Channiti, Deputy Director of SIDA
25:52
and the host of this People Power
25:54
Politics podcast episode. I've been talking to
25:56
Marlies Glasses, Professor of International Relations at
25:58
the University of Amsterdam. Thank you.
26:32
Thank you.
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