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That's shopify.com/ Tech. And
1:02
what is modernity anyway? I'm
1:06
Ryan McDermott, host of Genealogies of
1:08
Modernity, and I'm here to tell
1:10
you that it's complicated. No,
1:12
just kidding. In this show, we get
1:14
a bunch of academics to actually venture answers
1:17
to some really tough questions. What
1:19
is genealogy? What are the sources
1:21
of racism and anti-racism? You
1:24
might disagree with our answers, but you
1:26
can find them on Genealogies of Modernity,
1:29
a limited series from Ministry of Ideas.
1:37
Welcome to The New Books Network. I'm
1:42
Caleb Zacron, assistant editor of The New Books
1:44
Network. Today I'm speaking with Yawen Lei,
1:46
professor of sociology at Harvard University.
1:49
We're discussing her recently published book, The
1:52
Gilded Cage, Technology, Development and
1:54
State Capitalism in China. The
1:56
Gilded Cage examines the economic transformations
1:59
in China. over the past two
2:01
decades. China has started to shift
2:03
from an export-oriented industrial economy
2:06
to one focused on developing technology companies in
2:08
the vein of Silicon Valley. This
2:11
rapid change has been both nurtured and
2:13
constrained by China's authoritarian government. Economic
2:16
transformations inevitably lead to
2:18
social reconfigurations. China's
2:20
economic strategy has implications for everyday
2:22
Chinese citizens and the neglected manufacturing
2:25
sectors and the newly upheld tech
2:27
sectors. There are also tremendous implications
2:29
for the global economy as China
2:31
charts a course of development that both competes
2:34
with and serves as a potential model for
2:36
other nations. Yauan, thanks for joining me
2:38
today on the New Books Network. Thank
2:40
you so much for the introduction, Kayla, and thank you
2:42
for having me. Of course, this
2:44
is I think an extraordinarily
2:46
fascinating book. I think, you
2:49
know, I feel like many people, like it's very
2:51
hard and difficult to understand what's
2:53
going on in China's economy.
2:57
At a broad scale, I try and read the news and
2:59
keep up, but I
3:01
really needed a guide. And I think that this book really
3:04
was a very helpful guide for helping
3:06
paint a broader picture and
3:09
giving some background on what's
3:11
going on with China's
3:13
economic transformation. But
3:15
before jumping into the book, I was wondering if you could just tell
3:17
us a little bit about yourself and your background. So
3:20
I am a sociologist. I
3:23
was trained in both law and
3:26
sociology. So before
3:28
I came to the US, I
3:30
practiced law in Taiwan. And
3:34
at one point, I decided to come to
3:36
the US and I had a low degree
3:40
GSD from Yale Law School. But in
3:42
my second year at
3:44
law school, I decided to pursue
3:46
a sociology PhD at Michigan at
3:48
the same time. So basically, I
3:50
wrote two dissertations, one in law,
3:52
one in sociology. So the
3:55
PhD training was more intellectual property
3:57
rights. But then I feel
4:00
in love with sociology and now
4:02
I identify myself as a sociologist
4:05
and don't really have a strong
4:07
like low person or legal scholar
4:09
identity. And for
4:11
that you know particular background it's
4:13
obviously a you know a very
4:17
it's a very interesting background in terms
4:19
of you know your depth of skills.
4:22
I'm wondering you know how it is that
4:24
through that course of study that eventually came
4:26
around to writing this book. Where did the
4:29
idea first germinate for you? Yeah
4:31
that's a great question. So as
4:34
I mentioned I had two degree and I
4:37
wrote two doctoral
4:39
dissertations. So my
4:41
low school dissertation at Yale
4:43
was about the
4:46
copycat mobile phone industry in China.
4:48
So at one point of time
4:50
so I think you heard of
4:53
like Huawei and other
4:55
brand name Chinese mobile phone but
4:57
at one point of time in
5:00
the early 2000s they
5:02
had some kind of copycat mobile
5:06
phone industry and then I
5:08
was interested in the like
5:10
intellectual property related issues. And
5:15
then but then I
5:17
switched to my PhD dissertation
5:19
which is about how the
5:22
internet has impacted
5:24
the political development in China. So
5:26
these are totally too like
5:28
unrelated not that related a project.
5:31
One is more on intellectual property
5:33
right the other is on political
5:36
sociology especially if you are familiar
5:38
with Habermas idea of the public
5:40
sphere. So I was
5:42
really fascinated by the internet
5:45
the development of the internet in China
5:47
when I was doing my PhD studying
5:50
sociology but after
5:53
I finished my first book based
5:55
on my PhD dissertation I
5:57
was thinking about what kind of project I
6:00
I want to, I would like to pursue
6:02
for my second book, because
6:05
we need to have two books to get in. And
6:07
so, and then I was really
6:10
around that time, so in
6:13
the beginning when the internet was developing
6:16
in China, people were very excited by
6:18
the political potential. And then
6:20
gradually you saw the Chinese government
6:22
actually began
6:25
to kind of like be able to find
6:27
a way to really contain their
6:30
public fear mediated by the internet.
6:34
But then at the same time, you
6:36
also kind of observed
6:39
the rapid rise of the
6:41
internet related business in China,
6:45
so the rise of this kind of big tech
6:48
companies. And there was
6:50
a point in time, I really, every time
6:52
when I went to China, between
6:54
2008 to 2015, I
7:00
observed like a rapid economic transformation.
7:03
It just seems to me that
7:05
everyone was kind of fascinated by
7:07
the possibility brought by this new
7:10
technology, especially the information technology, the
7:12
kind of potential it can make
7:16
everyone, improve everyone's life. And
7:18
at the same time, I also
7:21
observed things
7:23
that, didn't look that
7:25
rosy, for example, around
7:27
the same time I saw the great
7:29
transformation of Chinese economy, for example, I
7:32
went to some places in China and
7:34
I found the local governments really wanted
7:37
to upgrade the economy and they want
7:39
to have everything that's cutting edge and
7:42
they want to actually replace,
7:44
for example, human workers with
7:46
robots and the hedge, what
7:48
they consider as obsolete industry
7:50
or business. They didn't like
7:53
people or citizens without
7:55
like high level of human
7:58
capital. So, I
8:00
am, people were so excited
8:02
in China, but I was
8:04
kind of, I feel ambivalent about
8:06
this development because I know
8:10
the consequences of the
8:12
industrialization in other parts of
8:14
the world, like in the US, some people benefit
8:16
from technology-oriented development, but
8:19
some people suffer from the
8:21
process. So, and
8:23
then when I began the project,
8:25
that's what was the time. So that's around
8:27
like 20. So because
8:30
of my previous study on
8:32
the cell phone sector, so
8:35
I had been doing research in
8:37
Guangdong Province, that's where
8:39
China's economic development began. And
8:42
they had, they are the kind of, if you want
8:44
to observe industrial
8:46
operating and then move to
8:49
a tech-oriented industry, that's the
8:51
most important problem to observe.
8:54
So because of my
8:57
continuous kind of fieldwork
9:00
based on my GSD dissertation in that
9:03
province, and then
9:05
my, so I just, looking
9:07
at the development of the tech
9:09
sector, I was really fascinated, but
9:12
I'm also thinking about the different
9:14
dimension who actually benefited
9:16
and who actually didn't
9:18
benefit that much. So this kind
9:20
of thinking motivated
9:22
my study, and I want
9:24
to know, especially because
9:26
I began to do my GSD
9:29
dissertation after the 2008 financial
9:32
crisis, just immediately after.
9:35
So I was able to kind of observe
9:37
the rapid transformation in
9:41
China. So I'm wondering how we
9:43
should understand, how I should
9:45
make sense of the rapid transformation, that
9:48
kind of like a very zealous
9:50
pursuit of technology-oriented development.
9:52
So that's why, and also
9:54
a lot of book on
9:56
China don't really focus on
9:58
the post-2008. financial
10:01
crisis period. So
10:04
that's what motivated my
10:06
book. When you look
10:08
at the roots of today's transformation to
10:10
a more tech-oriented
10:13
economy, where do
10:15
you see the ideas germinating
10:18
from? At what point
10:20
was China's either government leaders
10:22
or people in the tech
10:24
sector saying that China needs to
10:26
begin to start this transition? And
10:29
how did that first begin? I
10:34
think there has been a long-standing
10:36
of wanting to use science and
10:38
technology to rejuvenate China. So they
10:40
have been having this kind of
10:43
thinking and ideology. I actually show
10:45
this in the book since
10:48
the late 19th century, basically
10:50
the Qing dynasty,
10:52
because it's probably because of the
10:54
imperialism, the Western imperialism, the Chinese
10:57
empires interacting with
11:00
the Western powers. So
11:03
there has always been this kind of
11:05
thinking and like science
11:08
and democracy were also
11:10
very important thinking
11:12
in the ROC period, Republic of
11:15
China, so before the Chinese revolution.
11:17
And this thinking continued to exist. But
11:20
in my book, I think I argue that
11:22
only in the mid 2000s,
11:25
but that's before the financial
11:27
crisis, a local government in
11:30
China and also to some
11:32
extent central governments began to kind
11:34
of see the limitation of their
11:37
developmental model based on
11:39
export oriented and labor
11:41
intensive manufacturing. So
11:46
they were kind of, they
11:48
were concerned about the problem of
11:50
scarcity, especially the scarcity of land
11:52
because there is a limited supply
11:55
of land. And sometimes when I
11:57
tell people who
11:59
actually Don't. Have
12:01
a lot of knowledge about china
12:03
day was tell me okay turn
12:05
I so huge right? So. Nice
12:07
a country with a huge huge
12:09
territories. Why? there is a problem
12:12
of the scarcity of lend you
12:14
always have lived. For. Them.
12:16
On. We saw China has
12:18
a very and even on economic
12:21
development so ah the economic developments
12:23
or begin the from close to
12:25
time i just feel province he
12:27
starts the richest a problem in
12:29
china and then I'm and different
12:32
provinces are difference of and it's
12:34
this kind of reach province these
12:36
are in close to try not
12:38
that began to. experience
12:40
the problem of a lacking ah
12:43
enough land and in the past
12:45
or when investors or go to
12:47
china for example a lot of
12:49
the hong kong based on manufacturers
12:51
are a lot of or taiwanese
12:53
manufacturers for example one of the
12:56
best example he thought com o
12:58
that produce that the manufacturer that
13:00
produce a lot of alcohol related
13:02
products they assemble thing to get
13:04
up so when these people least
13:07
company went to china basically the
13:09
work week a local governments. And
13:11
low garments basically gave them obe
13:13
large piece of land and done
13:15
and provide cheap labor right and
13:18
bottom of the local governments realized
13:20
at that time they the exit
13:22
don't really have are they didn't
13:24
have a nurse lens who provides
13:26
investor the are more and more
13:28
it or steal a lot of
13:30
people a lot of business who
13:32
still want to invest or in
13:34
coastal china but then the cult
13:36
of those cities especially on in
13:38
the municipality cdc these ah. It
13:41
in this province to realize. They. Don't
13:43
have a men's announcement. And
13:45
addison time because the real estate
13:47
markets also began to grow very
13:50
rapidly. So and of the land.
13:52
on either belong to this but governments
13:54
are belong to the village is so
13:56
if you mlk more land to manufacturing
13:59
that means that And
14:01
the government can profit from land
14:03
selling. So that means that
14:05
the government would actually make less money. So they
14:08
just think they had to actually
14:10
kind of reorganize their economy in
14:12
another way that don't require so
14:14
much land. And then
14:16
so then technology like became
14:19
a solution because if you think about
14:21
like having or some kind of like
14:24
internet based company, they don't really
14:26
require that much land compared
14:29
with like manufacturers. So when we
14:31
talk about like labor intensive manufacturing,
14:34
we often forget
14:36
that it actually it's kind
14:38
of land extensive manufacturing. So
14:41
today if you go to like you go
14:43
to Detroit, right, even the US or you
14:45
go to Phoenix, right, there are
14:48
like a Taiwanese semiconductor company
14:50
is building a fab
14:53
in Phoenix and you can see
14:55
how large the land is. So
14:58
they really require a lot of land. So
15:00
the mid 2000 is the period in which
15:02
they didn't make the low governments in China
15:04
see, okay, we just don't have enough land
15:07
to continue the existing model. And
15:09
then in the situation was
15:12
worsened by the 2008 financial crisis
15:14
because when the export the markets
15:17
in the US and EU and
15:19
Europe were hit severely by the
15:21
financial crisis, then they just saw
15:23
that they have to have something
15:25
else that can rely more on
15:28
domestic consumption and that didn't really
15:30
need so much land. So
15:32
yeah, you mentioned the 2008 global financial
15:35
crisis. You know, I imagine
15:38
in the US, of course, and in
15:40
the West, you know, severely
15:43
it impacted incomes and, of
15:45
course, you know, lowered the demand, you
15:48
know, demand in the West for manufactured
15:50
goods. You know, how did
15:52
China adapt to
15:55
this new economic challenge? So
15:58
they did. And they were
16:00
really faced by this challenge.
16:03
So the major, the
16:06
main measure taken by the
16:08
government was to come up
16:10
with a huge stimulus package.
16:12
I forgot a specific number.
16:15
And they just, the government had to
16:17
put a lot of money into their,
16:20
the financial system. And
16:22
then they, so that actually went to
16:24
the, a lot of money went to
16:26
the real estate sector. And
16:28
also the tech sector and also
16:30
the infrastructure building.
16:34
So, so that's
16:36
the way they actually deal with the
16:38
financial crisis. And but
16:40
then this kind of strategy and
16:42
also actually led to a lot
16:45
of unintended consequences
16:47
because, so I
16:49
think there are some major
16:51
transformations after the financial crisis.
16:54
So the first is, as I
16:56
mentioned, that's the focus of my book
16:58
is the rise of the internet sector.
17:01
And then, and then
17:03
you can also see the really
17:05
the continuum, the continuum in
17:08
growth of the real estate sector.
17:10
And that's collapsed today. Yeah.
17:14
And, and also really the huge
17:16
investment in infrastructure. That's the way
17:18
they boost their GDP. And
17:21
but then the problem today that, so
17:24
they spend so much money, a lot
17:26
of investments, but then the return has
17:28
been declining over time. And
17:30
it's really, it's one problem
17:32
with China's developmental model is that it's
17:35
so investment oriented,
17:37
rely on investment. So they don't really, and
17:39
they don't really know about whether the return
17:41
is good or not. And it's
17:44
just not sustainable. But
17:46
then I think one very
17:49
important development is the rise
17:51
of the internet sector because
17:53
it's the,
17:55
I mean, the proportion of
17:58
the digital economy. the
18:00
entire GDP has grown from very low
18:02
around 18 or 15, dropping around 2010.
18:08
I forgot the exact number, but then to almost
18:10
40% in 2022. So the digital-related economy became
18:16
really a very important pillar
18:18
of China's economy. And
18:20
you can imagine that when this
18:22
sector was cracked
18:24
down by the Chinese
18:26
government, what kind of impact it has
18:29
on the Chinese economy. So
18:32
when it comes to the Chinese
18:34
government, how exactly do
18:36
they involve themselves?
18:45
At what level of just the business
18:47
process of building a company, do
18:50
they get involved? Is it at the ground
18:52
level? Or is it more so they come
18:54
in once a company has
18:56
already reached a certain stature? Yeah,
18:59
so basically both
19:04
China's economic development relates
19:07
to a very large stench
19:10
on local governments. So after
19:13
China's economic reform, many local
19:15
government officials behave as if
19:17
they are a CEO of
19:19
a company because their performance
19:22
evaluation is linked
19:24
to or was linked to
19:27
directly linked to the GDP growth
19:29
rate. So they really try very
19:31
hard to attract investors
19:33
and to decide who has what
19:35
kind of land and in which
19:37
prices and they can decide utility
19:40
prices and give people different rates.
19:43
So they played like local government's official
19:45
played a very central role in deciding
19:47
who got what. And
19:50
then so after the mid-2000s in
19:54
coastal China, so this global government
19:57
official, when they began to really
19:59
decide to pursue
20:01
a more technology-driven developmental
20:04
model. As I mentioned
20:06
in my book, they began to crack
20:08
down on this kind of obsolete, like
20:10
small traditional manufacturers
20:13
because they think these
20:16
businesses were not worthy,
20:19
were not worthy and they shouldn't deserve
20:21
on the land and the resources bank
20:23
loan. So they would decide
20:25
like which businesses, what kind of
20:27
business to crack down. So basically
20:29
they can enforce the law. They
20:31
usually initiate a lot of like
20:34
legal enforcement, law enforcement can
20:36
tend in a very, very
20:38
arbitrary way. And based on
20:40
a lot of excuses like
20:42
environmental regulation or safety regulation,
20:44
there could be a lot
20:46
of different kinds of regulations.
20:49
But the legal enforcement is
20:51
very selective. When they
20:53
wanted to promote some kind
20:55
of industrial businesses, they don't really
20:57
implement the law. But then when
20:59
they decided that these are not
21:01
the sectors, the businesses they want
21:03
to promote, they began to enforce
21:05
law very severely,
21:09
very strict way. So that's how,
21:11
and they can also decide, like
21:14
local governments also decide like bank,
21:16
the allocation of bank credits, right?
21:18
So for example, if you are
21:21
considered a high-tech company, then they
21:23
allocate you to some kind of
21:26
science park zone with very good
21:28
price. You have land and
21:30
like, and you also have better prices
21:32
in terms of utility, you get a
21:35
lot of subsidies. So these are the
21:37
instrument which they can influence
21:39
the local economy. And
21:42
also they, it's
21:44
not only about the kind
21:46
of resources for a
21:49
business actor, it's also
21:51
about resources for workers,
21:53
ordinary citizens, because in China they
21:55
have this household registration
21:58
system, or you can consider it. consider
22:00
that as some kind of local
22:02
citizenship. So not everyone has a
22:04
citizenship in a specific locality.
22:06
For example, when we think about the
22:08
situation in the US, if you move
22:10
from one state, like Massachusetts to New
22:13
York, you have to get a local
22:15
citizenship in New York. Like if
22:18
this, according to Chinese institution,
22:20
otherwise it's very likely that
22:23
your children cannot have access
22:25
to a local public
22:27
school. So there is this kind
22:29
of uneven citizenship. And
22:33
local government can decide who deserves
22:35
local citizenship. So they come up
22:37
with some kind of application, like
22:39
a point system. And they
22:41
can decide, in my book, I kind of documented
22:44
the kind of measures,
22:46
metrics in which some
22:48
rich local government dislocate,
22:53
decide, forget what. So
22:55
basically, if
22:57
you have very good
22:59
education, you are a property owner, and
23:02
you have high income, and
23:06
if you are a patent owner,
23:08
if you can invent things, and
23:10
if you are not too old, like if
23:13
you are below 40 years old,
23:16
and these things give you more points. And
23:20
you can imagine that. So basically, they
23:22
classify people based on
23:24
those people's perceived contribution
23:27
to a more technology-oriented development.
23:29
So they link things together.
23:32
So the local government, in
23:35
this way, they just don't
23:38
want to include people
23:41
who cannot contribute to technical
23:43
development. If they were
23:46
factory workers, they provide,
23:48
these workers provide low-skill
23:52
work, then those people are now welcome.
23:54
But today, if you are an engineer
23:56
in a high-tech company, then you can
23:58
get more points, and your tools are
24:00
more likely to be included in the local
24:02
public school system. So this is
24:05
also one way that they can
24:07
allocate resources. And then the
24:09
central government is also very powerful. They kind
24:11
of came up with more central level policy,
24:14
industrial policy. They began to develop a
24:16
lot of industrial policy things around
24:19
2006. And
24:22
that's what the US government has. I
24:24
think, for me, I think it's a
24:26
big invitation. So the US
24:28
has also began to develop a lot
24:30
of industrial policy. That was
24:33
kind of some similar, based on
24:35
some similar thinking. So
24:39
these are the way both central governments
24:41
and also the central government can decide,
24:44
can kind of give a kind of more
24:47
overarching guidance. They
24:49
have a clear indication about
24:52
what kind of industry they
24:54
want to prioritize. Then
24:56
the local governments would actually follow that
24:58
and came up with their own specific
25:01
metric to incentivize a
25:03
different kind of business actor.
25:06
So you mentioned that for
25:08
manufacturing workers, they're not
25:10
necessarily as considered as
25:12
welcome. But what happens
25:15
to manufacturing workers?
25:17
What ends up being the
25:19
kind of life experience? What
25:23
do they end up doing with their lives? So
25:26
this problem has existed
25:28
in China for a
25:30
long time, this kind of
25:33
institutional discrimination. So based
25:35
on local citizenship, because a lot of
25:37
workers, they are from villages,
25:39
like rural areas. And
25:42
then, so usually for this kind
25:44
of manufacturer, so they
25:47
leave. So you might have heard
25:49
of a term called left behind children.
25:51
And because of their institution, Parents
25:54
cannot bring their children to the
25:56
place where they work because children
25:58
don't have... A
26:00
lot of opportunity to go to
26:02
public school in a private school
26:04
sometimes is and to be more
26:06
expensive and some time to quality
26:08
is also not very good and
26:10
as some point of time ah
26:12
some local governments montana even crack
26:14
on on private school. For a
26:16
migrant workers dull these people. These
26:18
walker can only leave their children
26:20
behind and when they become olds
26:22
and with a safe more money
26:24
they go back to their village.
26:27
Village is still so you can
26:29
see how family sacrifice. So
26:31
that creates a lot of family problem
26:33
because of the separation. Appearance
26:35
and also and the kids
26:37
are but them. Intense.
26:40
Abilities element that information the in
26:42
the manufacturing sector So I was
26:44
the ones who mentioned that there
26:47
have been changes in different generations
26:49
of affect You will curse. Though.
26:52
Turn up again soon or begin
26:54
is economically from in ah noting
26:56
in late nineteen seventies and you
26:59
can imagine like the are different
27:01
generation the ready decade different generations
27:03
of workers so in the past
27:06
when chan hours for own. People.
27:08
Actually feel proud to be
27:11
a factory worker. but then
27:13
today. A. Young people. On.
27:16
Don't want to become of sexy walk
27:18
her anymore because lives on. His
27:20
are obviously very boring and
27:23
could be miserable in factories.
27:25
The work conditions are not
27:27
the best cell phone so
27:29
when I was our understanding
27:31
that impact of ah some
27:34
the comments initiated to replace
27:36
a walk or sweet. Robots.
27:39
And. i found that in fact a
27:41
lot of young workers don't really care
27:44
about this because they're the ones who
27:46
be like sexual curve in the long
27:48
term and they just want to find
27:51
do something else many of them once
27:53
you become like small business owners but
27:55
then it's kind of there is a
27:57
gap between aspiration and the reality some
28:00
I also know, for
28:02
example, several female factory workers, they hate
28:04
factory life. But they just simply couldn't
28:06
find a better job in the service
28:09
sector. And they kind
28:11
of went back and forth between
28:13
like service sector and the factory.
28:16
And for people with children, they
28:19
kind of began to really appreciate
28:21
the stability of kind of
28:23
factory job because usually
28:26
the labor protection in the service sector is
28:29
really not good. And when I
28:31
was doing the interview, because young
28:34
people really don't like
28:36
the factory job. And
28:39
when I was doing field work, many
28:41
of my interviewees actually left
28:43
their jobs in the factory and
28:45
moved to China's platform economy.
28:48
They became like food delivery
28:50
workers. And
28:53
that's actually related to the rights
28:55
of China's internet sector.
28:57
So I think from the
28:59
government's perspective, they also
29:01
think like the central governments in
29:03
China also think kind
29:06
of this kind of transformation to
29:08
a more tech oriented economy might
29:12
not kind of undermine like
29:15
factory kind of low skill
29:17
workers so much because first,
29:19
these people don't want to become
29:21
factory, don't want to remain as
29:23
a factory worker anymore. And then
29:25
they want to have more interesting
29:27
thing. And second, they expected that
29:30
the kind of platform economy, the
29:32
internet sector can accommodate it and
29:34
absorb this kind of like surplus
29:36
labor. So that's the calculation. You
29:40
look at Daniel Bell's 1973 book, The
29:42
Coming of the Post-Industrial Society. This
29:45
is a book that, you know, where Daniel Bell, it
29:48
looks at the economic transformations that are
29:50
going on in America, the process of
29:52
de-industrialization, the rise of the service sector.
29:55
And you kind of demonstrate how what Daniel
29:57
Bell is predicting about the future of America.
30:00
kind of come true in China. So
30:02
you know, can you talk about Daniel Bell's predictions
30:05
for his book and what you see about
30:07
how his ideas about what would occur in
30:10
America maybe maps a little
30:12
bit better on to present-day China? Yeah,
30:15
so I think Daniel Bell's
30:18
work is super interesting and
30:22
I think it's unfortunate that because,
30:24
I don't know, because of a lot
30:28
of people's perception of him because of
30:30
his cultural view and
30:32
also because of the politics in
30:34
the late 80s, late
30:37
60s and he was
30:39
considered as kind of very culturally conservative
30:42
perhaps by a lot
30:44
of intellectuals today. So I don't
30:46
find people, a
30:49
lot of people are reading his
30:51
book anymore but I do find
30:53
his book very important and a
30:56
lot of things we are talking about
30:58
today like algorithm, big
31:00
data and computing, he was talking
31:03
about this kind of thing in
31:05
his book. He was trying to
31:08
think about the future but
31:10
I think he didn't really
31:12
predict, I wouldn't
31:14
say that he predicted things like
31:17
correctly but then I think I
31:20
mean his predictions for me are not
31:22
important but I think he really lay
31:24
out kind of his soul, he kind
31:26
of pre-soul, very
31:29
important social transformations because
31:32
of technology change
31:34
and the pursuit of a technology called
31:37
driven development. I think that kind of
31:39
thinking is very important and
31:42
in a lot of, for example, like
31:44
discipline, for example, in sociology and also
31:46
in political science sometimes we tend to
31:49
over-lack this kind of material dimension of
31:51
change. I'm not
31:53
talking about like, I'm not making
31:55
a generalizable argument but I think in
31:57
some situation we tend to kind of
32:00
of neglect, this kind of aspect. And
32:03
I think his description,
32:06
he didn't really expect what's going to
32:09
happen in the US because in
32:11
his time, that was the
32:14
period of
32:16
the welfare state, right? So in
32:19
which, like still the
32:21
New Deal order.
32:23
So that's before the rise
32:25
of the neoliberalism. So
32:29
that's a very, very interesting period.
32:31
The 60s and also
32:34
the 70s, then you saw the transformations
32:36
in the UK and also in the
32:38
US. So basically, he
32:40
thought that, he kind of thought
32:42
that the government would become very
32:45
important, would play a very important
32:47
role in planning the
32:49
economic development based on technology. So
32:51
he saw that. And
32:54
so, but that actually
32:56
is important because I think
32:58
still in the US, I
33:00
mean, and actually what he
33:03
understand about
33:05
the role of the government
33:07
is very similar to what
33:10
a lot of scholars study
33:12
about, we call developmental states
33:15
in the world. The most
33:17
classical examples are
33:19
like the Japanese government, the Taiwanese
33:21
government, the Korean government, right? They
33:23
plan things and then try to
33:26
kind of upgrade
33:28
the economy based on technology. And the
33:30
government play a very important role. But
33:32
he emphasized the role of the government.
33:34
But in the US, I think the
33:36
government still played a very important role,
33:38
for example, in terms of the development
33:40
of the internet, the
33:42
investment of the military, the
33:44
Ministry of Defense. But
33:47
then you can see like the dwindle
33:50
of the withering of the state in
33:53
the US, that people didn't like the
33:55
idea of the big states anymore, with
33:57
the rights of the neoliberalism. So. So
34:00
I think he didn't really expect the
34:02
rise of the neoliberalism, at least at
34:04
a discursive level. And
34:08
also, I think what he didn't
34:10
see, but then he's actually
34:12
understanding of the role of the
34:14
government really kind of
34:16
mapped very well in the Chinese
34:18
context, because the Chinese government really
34:22
kind of really take that kind of
34:24
leadership in terms of guiding
34:26
the development of economic
34:29
and social development based on technology.
34:32
So then the second
34:34
thing about Daniel Beall's
34:36
book is the kind
34:38
of stratification, like a social transformation
34:40
as an outcome of
34:42
technology driven development, like new
34:45
kind of stratification in society.
34:47
So he wrote about the development
34:50
of kind of the
34:53
professional class, people
34:55
who actually have the cultural, have
34:57
the human capital to understand technology.
35:01
So he saw the rise of this kind
35:03
of people and also the rise of service
35:05
sector. And
35:07
I think one thing he kind of, he
35:10
didn't really predict and he kind
35:12
of regretted when he
35:15
was old was the
35:17
increasing equality in the US. So
35:20
he didn't expect that the
35:22
technology kind of driven development would
35:24
lead to so a high level
35:27
of inequality in the US. He thought
35:29
that technology kind of
35:32
would contribute to like
35:34
a high level of abundance and
35:37
everyone actually benefits from that
35:39
kind of development. And
35:42
then so no one is left behind. So
35:46
he didn't really think about, he didn't
35:48
really write about like the industrialization in
35:50
his book. So his picture was like,
35:52
is very, very rosy. But
35:55
then we see that in that aspect,
35:57
his prediction, he didn't
35:59
really see, he He
36:01
was very, very surprised and
36:03
very, very bad about the
36:06
consequences of the industrialization in the
36:08
US and the increasing level of
36:10
inequality. So I think he wrote
36:13
an essay perhaps around 2000 and
36:16
in which he kind of reflected on
36:18
his own thinking in the past. And
36:20
then I think this in
36:23
terms of the inequality, I
36:27
think what happened in China is very similar
36:30
to what happened in the US because
36:33
now I think US and China are
36:35
both one of the most
36:38
unequal countries in the world
36:40
even though China has socialism
36:43
as its official principle written
36:45
in constitution. Yeah,
36:49
it's really, really interesting and I'm sure
36:51
that like you said, part of the
36:53
problems that take a while to foresee
36:55
neoliberalism is still kind of in that
36:57
Keynesian frame of we're
37:00
just right around the corner from the
37:03
society where we won't need to work
37:05
as many hours and people can enjoy
37:07
their lives and of course that hasn't
37:09
quite happened. That's
37:12
very shocking. Yeah,
37:15
and one can understand why he
37:18
would have thought that considering how much growth and
37:20
development occurred in the 20th century. But
37:24
I'm also really interested in what
37:26
it's like for the tech elite in China.
37:30
What is their perception of
37:32
the economic shifts? Are they
37:34
through the roof with excitement
37:37
or is there maybe a
37:39
sense of concern about what's
37:41
been going on as well? So
37:44
they were super, super excited. I
37:47
think they only began to concern
37:51
after or around the time when the Chinese
37:53
government began to crack down on the tech
37:55
sector in 2020. So
37:58
there was a golden age for
38:01
them to make
38:03
money. So these entrepreneurs,
38:05
many of them were
38:07
from like, not
38:09
like extraordinary. They didn't
38:12
have extraordinary family
38:14
background, but they were able to get
38:17
rich. And there is
38:19
a really high level of upward
38:22
mobility in the tech sector. So
38:24
people were really full of hope.
38:27
And they were also
38:29
very inspired by the development of
38:32
Silicon Valley. So they saw that
38:34
the entrepreneurs in China saw this
38:36
kind of Silicon Valley, the
38:39
American tech companies, as some
38:42
of their kind of models. But
38:44
it's also very interesting that, in
38:47
fact, even though China was a
38:50
late comer, a late comer in terms
38:52
of industrial development. So
38:55
in the late 90s, I
38:57
think you are young, but then before you
38:59
were born, there was
39:01
like a.com boom, right? And
39:04
at that time, so in the late 90s, so
39:07
several US tech companies
39:10
were founded at that time.
39:12
And then at the same time,
39:15
several, like a lot of very
39:17
big China tech companies like Alibaba,
39:20
Tencent were founded around the same
39:22
time. And so
39:24
I think the future, I think, and
39:27
also they really have big connection
39:30
with the US. They were inspired
39:32
by the US, the Silicon Valley,
39:34
and they got money
39:36
from the US. So they
39:38
got a lot of capital
39:40
from the US, like the
39:42
market, the financial capital market.
39:44
So it's really kind of
39:46
the two, the
39:49
two like tech sectors, the tech
39:51
sector in the two countries are
39:54
really, were really, really connected. And
39:56
in fact, I began my book
39:58
by writing about President Clinton's visit
40:00
in China in 1998, that
40:02
was the first time an
40:05
American president visited China after the
40:07
1989 Tiananmen
40:10
massacre. And so,
40:12
and in that, and they had,
40:14
and when Clinton, when
40:17
President Clinton went to China, he
40:19
went to Shanghai Library, and then
40:21
he was talking to all kinds of
40:23
leaders like tech leaders and other
40:26
kind of like scholars
40:29
in China, they had like
40:32
a panel discussion. And the topic
40:34
they were discussing were about like
40:36
technology and cooperation between China and
40:39
the US. And both sides thought
40:41
that the internet related sector is
40:44
where the two countries can cooperate
40:46
and they can they
40:48
can actually mutually benefit it. And
40:51
Clinton also said that, okay, like by
40:53
working with China, so that's in his
40:56
speech. So around that time, so the
40:58
trip was for preparation for for
41:02
US-China's bilateral
41:04
trade agreements and China's
41:06
subsequent accession to the
41:09
WTO, that's in 2001. So at that
41:11
time, so Clinton think by working with
41:13
China, that that benefit the US, that
41:16
US workers, so their life can be
41:18
improved. So you can see the thinking
41:20
at that time. So that was the
41:23
heyday of the neoliberalism that
41:25
before the financial crisis.
41:29
So you can see how it works. And
41:32
then today, you think about who you, I
41:34
mean, I think
41:36
the Biden administration and the Trump, they
41:38
were very similar, actually very similar in
41:41
terms of their policy toward China and
41:43
their trade policy. And
41:45
both like both Trump and Biden
41:48
administration are talking about like how
41:50
American workers, the working class suffer
41:53
from the trade arrangements. But
41:55
that but then if you look
41:57
at Clinton's speech at that time, so the
42:00
thinking was that would benefit the working
42:02
class in the
42:04
USA. So
42:06
I think in my book, it's like, things
42:10
happening in my book occurred in
42:12
the heyday of the neoliberalism. And then
42:15
in the end, the crackdown of
42:17
the tech sector in China also
42:20
happened in a context
42:22
where the neoliberalism declined and
42:24
we are entering into a
42:26
new stage of
42:29
globalization. Yeah.
42:31
Your book, it's almost, even though
42:33
you're writing on such recent topics and
42:36
recent occurrences, it's almost a history in the
42:38
sense that it kind of ends
42:40
by looking at this, whatever
42:42
the period of time that led to
42:44
this, the rise of the tech sector
42:46
in China is, there's
42:50
changes afoot. Do you think
42:52
that this crackdown, is
42:54
it going to lead to broader
42:58
shifts? Or what do
43:00
you sort of see as the kind of the
43:02
present day circumstances and challenges for China when it
43:04
comes to transitioning their economy
43:06
and reigning in the tech sector?
43:09
Yeah. So I
43:12
think the crackdown is really
43:15
unfortunate. But I do
43:17
believe that there need to be some
43:19
kind of regulation like both in the
43:21
tech sector, both in the US and
43:23
in China, and in many parts of
43:25
the world. And the US, I think, really,
43:28
because of the lobbies, the
43:31
regulation on the tech sector, I
43:34
think for me, was not adequate.
43:36
But then I think people have different
43:38
kinds of thinking today. But
43:42
I think in China, I think the problem
43:44
is really that, I think there
43:46
need to be some kind of regulation, but then
43:49
they actually don't do this kind of
43:51
regulation through the framework of the rule
43:53
of law. So they do this
43:55
kind of regulation through a very arbitrary legal
43:57
system. And that's a very, that's a very,
44:00
That's very bad for everyone. It
44:02
may be good for the government because the government can
44:04
decide what they want. They are not constraints. But
44:08
it's really unfortunate, unfortunate because no
44:10
one really can challenge the decision
44:12
made by the government. For example,
44:15
all of these tech companies in China, like
44:17
major tech companies like Alibaba, and
44:20
they receive fines, like a
44:22
punishment from the Chinese government. But no
44:24
one can sue the Chinese government or
44:26
suing the government has no meaning. It's
44:29
not meaningful. So after
44:33
the government punish them, their
44:35
response is, I appreciate the government's
44:37
guidance. That's it. And
44:40
so I think without
44:42
this kind of rule of law, people
44:45
don't have trust
44:47
in the system, don't have confidence. And that
44:49
really gives a very bad signal. And
44:52
no one would – very few people would want to
44:54
invest in China, like domestic
44:56
– I mean, even regardless,
44:58
they are like domestic investors
45:00
or foreign investors. And
45:03
then that's very bad, I think, institutionally. That's
45:05
not good for development – I mean, for
45:07
the development. I mean, they
45:09
want to pursue – like they want to
45:11
have – the government
45:13
has trying to kind of
45:15
like promote foreign invest kind of
45:18
to attract foreign investors. But then you
45:20
can see there has been a capital
45:22
flight. And so
45:25
institutionally, that's very bad.
45:27
And also, the economy
45:30
really rely on China's
45:32
tech sector, this kind of internet-related sector, because
45:35
they really play a lot of role in the
45:37
GDP. And so
45:39
that's – and this company really
45:41
– they really kind of
45:43
profit. They really kind of operate
45:45
quite well and provide a
45:48
lot of opportunity for different kind of
45:50
social groups, like employment opportunity.
45:53
So that's bad for – that's kind
45:55
of you – the government is killing
45:57
one of the pillar of the economy.
46:00
So now, but then the
46:02
government, but they have to, I
46:05
think the reason why they correct down of
46:08
the tech sector is that the government
46:10
feels threatened by the tech sectors because,
46:12
so usually in China they
46:15
have something called like national champions.
46:17
So basically national champion
46:19
control, they are usually
46:22
state-owned enterprises. They control
46:24
very important infrastructure in
46:26
China, like electricity,
46:29
railway, bank, but
46:31
then the internet. So
46:33
people who study the like communication,
46:35
they kind of, or platform, they
46:38
argue that this kind of platform
46:40
or internet company are
46:42
really, they really kind of
46:44
control infrastructure like the digital
46:46
infrastructure, right? The cloud system
46:49
and like in China
46:51
the online payment. And I think for
46:54
the Chinese government, it's threatening because these
46:56
are private companies in the end and
46:59
then the government
47:01
doesn't have direct control. They
47:03
are not state-owned companies. And
47:08
the government also kind of worry about
47:10
the financial problems, stability,
47:13
I mean brought by this company because
47:15
these companies, a lot of tech companies
47:17
actually lend money to a
47:20
lot of internet users. So they
47:22
also exist like banks
47:24
in some way. So they're different from
47:26
the US counterparts. So
47:28
they have to, they correct down on them
47:31
and they feel threatened by them. Also, this
47:33
company has data and they
47:35
go IPO, they went IPO in the
47:37
US. So it's really unclear the
47:39
US government like want to have data from
47:42
them, what this company would do. And
47:44
the Chinese government feels insecure
47:46
about this. So, but
47:49
then really they destroy, they
47:51
kind of try to regulate the sector but they
47:54
regulate in a way that kind of,
47:57
that really make the sector very, very bad.
48:00
stable and no one
48:02
can know what the government is going
48:04
to do, no predictability, so that's bad
48:06
for businesses. And at
48:09
the same time, the government now
48:11
thinks these internet-related companies are not
48:13
really high-tech. So in my book,
48:15
I talk about like they have this kind
48:17
of – they want to select birds, like new birds.
48:20
But I think now the calculation is that
48:22
these internet companies are not really deserving
48:25
new birds because their
48:27
technologies are soft. They
48:29
are not like semiconductor or energy,
48:33
so they have kind of –
48:35
they kind of have their new target. They
48:37
– for example, they will continue
48:39
to invest in kind of semiconductor industry
48:42
and industry that kind of – they
48:45
have developed their new thinking and who
48:48
are deserving and what kind of industry are
48:50
deserving and what are not. But
48:52
the problem is that – so
48:55
it's very difficult for
48:57
the newly emerging sector
49:00
to replace the internet sector
49:02
in terms of their role
49:04
in economic development in
49:06
GDP and their role in
49:08
providing employment. For example,
49:11
a lot of people are crazy
49:13
about the electric cars, the new
49:15
energy sectors in China. But if
49:17
you look at the numbers, they
49:20
only account for 9
49:22
percent of China's GDP. And
49:24
in digital-related economy, accounts for 40
49:26
percent. And the real estate sector
49:28
account for around – related
49:30
account for 30 percent. So
49:33
even they have this kind
49:35
of small new engine, but
49:38
then the extent to which they
49:40
can really support economy is
49:42
not that large. Yeah.
49:44
Is there any attempt
49:47
at all to try and shift
49:49
to a more consumer-oriented economy, or is that
49:52
to unwieldy, hard to control?
49:54
Yeah. I think they really want
49:56
to kind of shift to a
49:58
more consumer-oriented economy. And in
50:00
fact, the internet related to the internet,
50:03
the previous model, like the
50:05
internet, the e-business, they
50:10
contribute to that. But
50:14
then there
50:16
is a limitation because
50:18
in China, because
50:20
they don't like the US, they have very kind
50:23
of different from
50:27
the US, but it's always similar
50:29
to the US in terms of the
50:32
very weak welfare state. So
50:34
they need to actually save money for
50:37
unpredictable things. And
50:44
also, really, if you look at
50:47
GDP per capita, or
50:50
the average income, it's really not high.
50:52
There is a huge difference between China
50:54
and also the US in
50:57
terms of GDP per
50:59
capita. So I think there is
51:01
a difficulty in terms of relying
51:04
on a more consumer-driven economy, even
51:06
though the Chinese government wanted to
51:08
do that. And now, the real
51:10
estate sector has been
51:13
having so many problems. And
51:15
many Chinese people already put so much money
51:18
in real estate sector because for
51:20
Chinese, they don't have a lot of
51:22
channels to investments. So usually,
51:25
for them, the real estate sector is one
51:27
of the very few ways in which they
51:29
can invest. And usually,
51:31
the family, they collect a
51:33
lot of money. They just put the money
51:35
in the real estate sector. And now, the
51:37
housing prices have went
51:40
down so much. And they
51:42
still have to pay the loan. The
51:44
housing prices are crazy in
51:47
major Chinese cities. It's really crazy.
51:49
And so if you think about the
51:51
fact that the housing prices are depreciating
51:55
and then you still have to pay the
51:57
loan, and the future is unpredictable, And
52:00
you have to take care of yourself because
52:03
of the weakness of the welfare
52:05
state. And then I think these
52:07
kind of uncertainty wouldn't
52:10
be good for developing
52:12
a consumer kind of consumption-oriented
52:16
economy. Yeah,
52:18
that's fascinating. And
52:21
certainly, I think
52:24
you've given myself and lots of people
52:26
many things to pay attention to, to
52:28
look at, to consider. Yawen,
52:31
thank you so much for being guest on the New Books Network.
52:33
It was great to talk to you about The Gilded Cage. It's
52:36
really a really fascinating book where you
52:38
cover so many
52:40
different topics and do a great job of blending
52:43
social theory and sociology with
52:45
kind of contemporary political
52:48
and economic analysis. Thank you so
52:50
much for being a guest. Thank you for
52:52
having me. Thank you.
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