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1:44
Erasmus of Rotterdam is probably a
1:46
name that you know. In the 16th century,
1:48
he was about as famous as anybody could
1:51
be. A sort of intellectual
1:53
hero. Like today's guest
1:55
has suggested Albert Einstein or Stephen
1:57
Hawking. It's rather amazing he became
1:59
so. Born the illegitimate
2:01
son of a priest, Erasmus did not
2:03
have the greatest of starts in life.
2:06
But hard work and natural brilliance made
2:08
him one of the greatest scholars of
2:10
his age. As such,
2:13
he offered something radical, a
2:15
vision of a humanist philosophy of Christ.
2:18
He was critical of hypocrisy but shamelessly
2:20
in search of fame. He
2:22
believed in independence, but sought the
2:24
attention of the rich and powerful. He
2:27
practiced a spirit of constructive debate and
2:29
tolerance from which we could learn,
2:31
but he was anti-Semitic. In
2:34
other words, he certainly had his flaws
2:36
that he was a gifted writer,
2:38
ironic, playful and intelligent. He
2:41
was perhaps the first public intellectual of
2:43
the modern age. He called to scholars
2:45
to perform the sort of scholarship that
2:47
contributed to the public good. Like
2:49
anyone who rises high, Erasmus gathered many
2:52
critics and enemies. To Martin
2:54
Luther's mind, he did not go far enough. To
2:56
Roman Catholic scholars, he was heretical. Erasmus
3:00
lived in a transitional era. As
3:02
himself a transformative and quintessential figure,
3:05
he gives us a window onto
3:07
his times. Today
3:09
I welcome onto the podcast Professor
3:11
William Barker, Ingalls Professor and former
3:13
President of the University of King's
3:16
College and Emeritus Professor of English
3:18
at Dalhousie University. Professor
3:20
Barker has taken Erasmus' enormous oeuvre
3:22
and long life and
3:25
packed both into a wonderfully entertaining
3:27
and succinct book in Reaction Books
3:29
series on Renaissance Lives, Erasmus
3:32
of Rotterdam, The Spirit of a
3:34
Scholar. It's the first English language
3:37
biography of Erasmus in 30 years. Welcome
3:45
to not just the Tudors. Thank you very
3:47
much. It is a real
3:49
pleasure to have you here to talk
3:51
about one of the most famous and
3:53
important people of the early modern period
3:56
and one whose name I think many
3:58
people have been. will
4:00
know, but they perhaps might not know that
4:02
much more. And also
4:04
because you have written this wonderful
4:06
little book about Erasmus that seems
4:08
to me to embody precisely
4:11
what Erasmus cared about, which
4:13
is writing in excellent prose
4:15
for the public something
4:18
which serves up the ideas of scholarship. So
4:20
this is a real joy to read your
4:22
book. It was an interesting project
4:24
to try to do. Erasmus is like trying
4:26
to drink from a fire hose. There is
4:29
an incredible amount of material to look at
4:31
and to read about. And then when you've
4:33
read about him, you read about all the
4:35
people he knew, which is quite a massive
4:37
task. Yes. So just, and I asked this
4:40
as a writer myself, how did you
4:42
go about distilling all of that into
4:44
something which in the end is relatively
4:46
some volume? A page
4:48
a day. Because there was so much to
4:51
find out about each thing. So I knew
4:53
how to break it down when I started
4:56
because I decided I would just go
4:58
chronologically through his life. But then it
5:00
was really a bit by bit. And
5:02
then rewriting when I finally had a
5:04
complete story there. So I saw his
5:07
life in three parts really, and
5:09
it breaks down quite well that way.
5:11
But by the time you get to the third
5:13
part, there's so many things happening. You
5:16
lose track of the chronology because there
5:18
are six or seven different stories all
5:20
happening at the same time. Because he
5:22
was involved in so many controversies and
5:24
debates and so on. And to try
5:26
and follow the streams of that is
5:28
difficult. Well, let's think about
5:31
him following that tripartite structure,
5:33
then. Your first
5:35
part is preparation. And
5:38
this takes us through his formative years up until the
5:40
age of 34. What
5:43
did Erasmus want us to know of that
5:45
period? Yes, it is
5:48
what Erasmus wanted us to know is what
5:50
we know, because he rewrote
5:52
his own biography several times in
5:54
order to get himself released from
5:57
his monastic obligations by the end.
5:59
end of that period he had left.
6:01
That takes him up to really
6:03
1499 is really the transition point
6:06
in his life and up until then he's no
6:09
one of interest really except for a very small
6:11
number of people who happened to be interested in
6:13
him as a scholar because he was a very
6:15
talented student but he came from an illegitimate son
6:17
of a priest and that meant every time he
6:19
wanted to do anything in the church he had
6:22
to get special dispensation in the end from the
6:24
pulp to hold property to
6:26
dress as a secular priest instead
6:28
of as a member of this
6:30
Augustinian canon, regular he was, and
6:32
to move out of that and
6:34
not have to report in regularly
6:37
as he had to do in the early years back
6:39
to Superior to tell him what he was up to.
6:42
He lived like another landish priest at the
6:44
time or low country's priest and
6:47
Rabant was his area and then it
6:49
was only when he got to England
6:52
that he suddenly began to travel in
6:54
a different circle and that was really
6:56
a life changer for him I think
6:58
and even though he had been in
7:00
Paris and studied at the university there he
7:02
really detested the kind of things he had
7:05
to study which is scholastic philosophy and
7:07
he was kind of a dropout, hanger
7:10
on kind of grad student tutoring
7:12
people for a number of years and writing
7:14
little textbooks for them which later
7:16
on turned into big textbooks because he
7:18
had a tendency all his career to
7:20
expand everything that he did. He would
7:22
write a small book then would expand
7:24
it and would get bigger and bigger
7:26
until it was multi-volume sometimes. And
7:29
I hadn't realised before I read your
7:31
book that it's
7:33
because of his illegitimate birth that he
7:36
really only had the one name and
7:38
he's like Madonna isn't he? He was
7:40
Erasmus. Yes he was Erasmus
7:42
and he had a father with
7:44
a regular name but he dropped
7:47
that and kept to the
7:49
Erasmus and then Erasmus Chose
7:51
the Desiderius. The Erasmus is a kind
7:53
of Greek form and then he chose
7:55
a more Latin form of that and
7:57
then he added quite late on. Actually,
8:00
after this English period, the of
8:02
Rotterdam. And. That's with
8:04
his the only way we know who's
8:07
born in Rotterdam because he grew up
8:09
in Canada which is so surprise damn
8:11
and that's what we have records us
8:13
and we know we went to school
8:16
in how down into Venturi in that
8:18
he was said to Setauket voice small
8:20
town where Bosh the painter came from
8:23
also lived it and there he had
8:25
a very unpleasant schooling experience to so
8:27
he ended up really hating school and
8:30
university and yet he became the leading
8:32
scholar of his time. It is
8:34
an interesting paradox that he is
8:36
just about always seeking to escape
8:38
from whatever kind us clerical, all
8:40
monastic commitments he has. and he
8:42
doesn't take off of position in
8:44
the academy and yet a career
8:46
in the church or in the
8:48
university is the obvious place for
8:50
a man of his mind and
8:52
his qualities. Years he taught at
8:54
Cambridge but he had never had an
8:56
official university position. He taught and lose
8:58
our for number of years the College
9:01
of Three Languages that Have Friends is
9:03
founded on. Never really had a very
9:05
good relationship with that universities. they allowed
9:07
him to be there, was a member
9:09
but you never turned into a professor.
9:11
really have any time he was just
9:13
doing his own work, will spare time
9:15
and new Eighty two been on the
9:17
side. And. You mentioned
9:19
his antipathy towards scholastic
9:22
philosophy in Paris. Could.
9:24
We briefly gloss what we mean
9:26
by scholastic, fluffy and sort of
9:29
humanism that Erasmus develops. I mean,
9:31
would it be sad to say
9:33
that so Erasmus it was about
9:35
scholarship that list for the public
9:37
good. That. counted the or it
9:39
was what drove him he was very
9:42
attracted early on to a classical writers
9:44
in supposed to have known horace all
9:46
by heart quite early on and terrence
9:48
playwright and so he really loved that
9:51
kind of writing and he found that
9:53
in the scholastic floss be where you're
9:55
really trying to work through very close
9:57
arguments on the meanings of words and
10:00
definitions and so
10:02
on of particular things like what is a
10:04
soul exactly where there are its limits and
10:06
so on and the methods are
10:08
taken from Aristotle and from the whole
10:10
tradition that follows that and he realized
10:12
that there were good philosophers for instance
10:15
someone like Aquinas he accepted Aquinas as
10:17
being a great philosopher but that's not
10:19
what he felt people like
10:21
him really wanted to read or hear about
10:24
and so what you had is people coming from that training
10:26
going into churches and giving sermons
10:29
to people based on these
10:31
sort of very detailed examinations
10:33
of particular issues questions that
10:35
might come up of ethical
10:38
types or whatever and solved using
10:40
syllogisms and things like that and
10:42
he was much more interested in storytelling
10:45
and in metaphor in the language
10:47
of the classical writers for using to
10:50
explain ethical behavior so often in
10:53
a writer like Plutarch there exemplifies
10:55
people they show you how people
10:58
do things by their deeds and
11:00
by their actions and so on
11:02
and the poetry tells you things
11:04
metaphorically and that he felt is
11:06
a much more direct form of communication with
11:09
people and that of
11:11
course turns into his total commitment
11:13
to the New Testament where he
11:15
felt that people were getting the
11:17
word of Christ filtered through a
11:19
kind of scholastic lens and
11:21
for him Jesus was a storyteller an
11:24
ethical leader as well and someone who
11:26
was clear and used parables to explain
11:28
things and so that kind of language
11:31
was much more acceptable and that's why
11:33
he ended up doing the addition of
11:35
the New Testament he did that in
11:38
1516 and kept revising it and
11:41
also rewrote the Bible into a
11:43
series of paraphrases and the
11:45
paraphrases they were translating English and
11:47
then placed in all the English
11:49
churches every church had to
11:51
have Erasmus's paraphrases because those were
11:54
seen as a simple clear guide
11:56
and entry point into religion rather
11:58
than the sort of more squirreled
12:00
scholastic and detailed approach that was taken
12:02
in the late medieval. One
12:04
of the things that emerges as
12:06
being central to the humanist programme,
12:08
and indeed the first of his
12:11
proverbs in his adages reflects
12:13
this, is friendship. He
12:15
has this network of intellectuals who
12:17
are former kind of community around
12:20
him, and this is absolutely vital
12:22
for him, especially, as you've
12:24
mentioned, his friends in England. Can
12:27
you tell us a bit about that
12:30
community and those friends and what
12:32
difference that made? The friendship fangles
12:34
quite far back in his own
12:36
writing career, and he's
12:38
really piggybacking on something that had
12:40
started in Italy, which is this
12:42
idea of a republic of letters,
12:44
the kind of way of exchanging
12:46
information and stories and letters amongst
12:49
a group of people who are
12:51
equally educated and who like to
12:53
talk about what they do, and some of
12:56
that turned into learned society, some of it
12:58
just stayed as correspondents as in Erasmus' case.
13:02
These friends are an interesting feature because,
13:04
in a way, some of them aren't
13:06
that close to them, but they're called
13:08
a friend, and then others really
13:10
are. So someone like Thomas More in England, who
13:12
he got to know when he first went to
13:14
England in 1499, he got
13:16
to know More quite well, and they became
13:19
quite close, and they did translations together for
13:21
the fun of it. It's been a fun
13:23
evening together, translating Lucian from the Greek and
13:26
setting each other little competitions and things
13:28
like that, and then afterwards writing letters
13:30
very often back and forth to each
13:32
other. And this combination, Erasmus actually liked
13:35
to show to people, so he began
13:37
to publish his letters just about the
13:39
same time he published the New Testament,
13:41
and showing people what this community looked
13:43
like, this republic of letters that he
13:46
was in. And people
13:48
got excited by this, and even monarchs, popes,
13:50
and so on, all wanted to belong. So
13:53
you have this kind of quality where this
13:56
learning seems to have attracted people
13:58
to it. And it was not
14:00
the regular church learning. It was something else
14:03
really a kind of ethical model
14:05
of living and a certain style that people
14:07
picked up from the ancients, really from ancient
14:09
Rome. And so
14:11
this began to form groups of people.
14:14
And these friends were friends
14:17
in England. They were friends of people he
14:19
met, scholars. So when he went to England
14:21
the first time, Moore and
14:23
John Collett was another one who he
14:26
was extremely close to and
14:28
who also went into debates with him,
14:30
biblical subjects. So their communication with each
14:32
other and the kind of model of
14:34
learning and exchange that went on, that
14:36
became a model for people. And
14:39
then it spread wider. And in Rasmus' case, several
14:41
visits to England and then he ended up teaching
14:43
at Cambridge in 1511 to 1514. He
14:48
really got to know a lot of people
14:50
that way. And letters were exchanged, ideas, things
14:52
like that. And then you get this kind
14:54
of jokey kind of thing, lovely letters about
14:56
gifts from people and exchanges
14:58
and so on. There's a wonderful exchange
15:01
that he and a friend, an Italian
15:03
who lived in London, Ammonio, and he
15:05
got together and they were both doing
15:07
each other how much they could praise
15:10
each other over these exchanges of kegs
15:12
of wine that Ammonio was sending them
15:14
and compliments they could give each other.
15:16
So there's this whole mutual admiration society
15:18
that got going. It really spread until
15:21
finally there were people in Poland who
15:23
were participating, people in Italy, people in
15:25
Spain, France, England, in the
15:27
Netherlands, low countries, I guess you'd call it.
15:29
So you had all of these people interchanging
15:32
letters and Rasmus was the center of a
15:34
lot of this. In France,
15:36
writer Guillaume Boudet, who we got
15:38
into correspondence with, extremely learned it,
15:40
a Greek scholar who preferred
15:42
to write what he could, his letters
15:44
in Greek rather than just ordinary Latin.
15:47
They would get in this weird relationship
15:49
where they would be complementing each other
15:52
and meanwhile correcting each other's prose or
15:55
indicating scholarly errors that they'd made so
15:57
it was like a privilege almost to
15:59
be corrected. each other. So it's an
16:01
odd kind of thing but it still exists
16:03
I think in some scholarly communities and go
16:05
to a conference and people will compliment
16:07
you at the same time they're correcting you and
16:10
then you're supposed to be so happy to be
16:12
corrected by that kind of thing. Yes,
16:14
this is one for the academics listening, that
16:16
moment where someone says, it's more
16:18
of a comment really. Anyway, so
16:21
after his first visit to England,
16:23
it's striking that he gets robbed
16:25
as he sees it at the
16:27
border and necessity becomes the
16:29
sort of mother of invention. Poverty breeds
16:32
creativity, he really starts to write. And
16:35
what I was struck by is reading
16:37
your work which puts it chronologically as
16:39
just the variety of what he's turning
16:42
his mind to as he starts out
16:44
to write, whether it's thinking about Proverbs
16:46
or Cicero or the
16:48
handbook of a Christian soldier. I
16:51
think when he was in England he realised,
16:53
I'm a person of interest. I don't think
16:55
he knew that before. He was striving to
16:57
be one but suddenly he was in a
16:59
community that had already formed, it was small
17:01
but they had the Littaker who was a
17:03
Greek scholar who studied under Poliziano in Italy
17:05
and William Grosven and others and
17:07
they had Collett and Moore and
17:10
these people were all part of a level
17:12
of society, this kind of bureaucratic culture that
17:14
we're in the courts now and in
17:16
the churches. They were excited
17:18
by classical learning and
17:20
I think that he had already done a
17:22
lot of his training stuff with these students
17:24
so he'd written all these little textbooks I
17:26
guess you'd say, just little trials of textbooks
17:28
and then he began to write them. Someone
17:30
found one of these textbooks he did when
17:32
he was a tutor in Paris and published
17:34
it without his permission. So then he had
17:36
to rewrite it to make it better and
17:38
there's this kind of thing that was going
17:40
on and there was no copyright whatsoever. Outside
17:42
of the Holy Roman Empire might have a
17:44
certain kind of copyright or so but basically
17:46
it was pretty loose and so people were
17:48
just publishing his stuff all over
17:51
the place after a while. But in
17:53
the early books he really focused in
17:55
on the things that he knew about
17:57
which was a Christian life which he
18:00
had been through in the monasteries. and
18:02
then his own discovery of literary style
18:04
and his need to teach it. So
18:06
learning about proverbs and putting these little
18:08
gems in your writing were an essential
18:11
part of what he was trying to
18:13
do. But now he was
18:15
doing it not in a classroom, but in
18:17
a public sphere. And I think that's
18:19
the big thing that he discovered is
18:21
that he could actually succeed by being more public
18:24
and not trying to do things as privately as
18:26
he'd been doing it before. And it was the
18:28
printing press that allowed him to do that. And
18:30
the other thing that you suggested is a
18:32
kind of turn, a moment of change for
18:35
him, is his trip through
18:37
the Alps to Italy. Is this
18:39
the moment where he really starts to make his name? He
18:41
definitely is going through a bit of
18:44
a midlife crisis when he's heading down. That was 1509 and
18:47
he was very aware that he hadn't
18:49
reached his potential. It was
18:51
almost 40, but it was a career crisis
18:53
for him. And I think
18:55
that he was still a tutor. He was
18:57
taking these two boys to Italy who were
19:00
of Italian background, but they needed to see
19:02
the homeland. And then he stayed in various
19:04
locations and then he realized that he was
19:06
now, when he met all these Italian scholars,
19:09
he was actually operating at the same level
19:11
they were. And it really
19:13
showed when he ended up in
19:15
Venice working with the publisher Aldus
19:17
Minutius in Venice and worked
19:20
on his adages there. And I think at that
19:22
stage, he knew he was on a roll and
19:25
he was moving and people there could
19:27
see it. He could sense
19:29
it. And the work that emerged was the
19:31
one that really made his reputation, which is
19:33
the book of adages, because he took the
19:36
little books that he published sometime earlier and
19:39
expanded into a full-size telephone book
19:41
style collection of adages, which was
19:43
quite massive and which showed enormous
19:45
learning because basically he had read
19:48
everything in classical literature that he
19:50
could and looking for proverbs wherever
19:52
he could find them. And then
19:54
was able to weave these proverbs
19:56
into stories about how they came
19:59
into being. and how they were
20:01
used by early scholars. And then the special
20:03
treat is how to use them yourself. And
20:05
the special add-on was he showed you how
20:08
to do it by doing it himself. So
20:10
in the adages, there are many proverbs used
20:12
to describe other proverbs. That's
20:14
where his real skill as a writer
20:16
came out, is being able to adapt
20:18
these different genres to this kind of
20:20
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20:23
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22:56
to this is his most
22:58
radical world today to that
23:00
point. Fully what?
23:02
Was this and why was it such
23:04
a hit? Principal. He
23:07
started his own using little attempt
23:09
when he was leaving Italy. Fifty.
23:12
Nine He had been to England and
23:14
he was coming back to the hopes
23:16
and it was on horseback and he
23:19
says he had this idea was so
23:21
he says of writing this amusing. Jump.
23:24
Ruined extended joke for his friend to
23:27
was more who enjoyed jokes. and this
23:29
is going to be Speech in praise
23:31
of Bali and is based on an
23:33
earlier classical form. There are people in
23:35
Britain. Things on brazen baldness in the
23:38
breeze of flies in the breeze of
23:40
these upside down praises praises where you
23:42
wouldn't expect to see them and fall
23:44
was the second to an extreme and
23:47
in his book he really showed his
23:49
satirical side that he hadn't shown before.
23:51
And writing in there he begins to
23:53
make. his social commentary on things
23:56
that he sees around him
23:58
and comments on greedy monks
24:00
and prelates and war-like leaders who basically
24:02
aren't paying any attention to their people
24:04
at all, and then people
24:07
who have terrible social behavior and
24:09
so on. And it turns out
24:11
there are a lot of fools out there. And
24:13
then it gets turned inward
24:16
into, let's look more carefully at this idea
24:18
of fool and the way it's used, for
24:20
instance, in the Bible, in Ecclesiastes or in
24:22
St. Paul. And St. Paul refers to himself
24:25
as a fool in places. And so what does
24:28
that mean? And it may mean the most foolish
24:30
thing you can be to a foolish person is
24:33
a Christian, a truly proper behaving
24:35
Christian. And this would
24:37
work quite well for us now in our
24:39
secular era because anyone who is like a
24:41
real believer in religion or something you've seen
24:43
is slightly crazed or slightly not all there.
24:46
And yet his argument is, in a sense, they
24:48
aren't because they have moved outside the normal
24:51
social mode of how to behave.
24:53
And the normal social mold is
24:55
actually foolishness. And so
24:57
it's kind of a double thing that's happening
25:00
by the end. It gets quite complicated at
25:02
the end. And so everyone is foolish, everyone.
25:05
And it's an argument that it's hard to talk your
25:07
way out of. And Folly, who
25:09
is a female character in the thing, is
25:12
freely naming everyone insight to be
25:14
a fool. And the book,
25:16
I think Erasmus, by the end, it almost
25:19
turned into a kind of meditation
25:21
on the nature of being Christian and all
25:24
that. And I think it went further than
25:26
Erasmus had planned. And I do
25:28
believe it was one of those books that people now
25:30
and then write, they didn't know that they had it
25:32
in them to write it. And
25:35
this is what came out. And later on,
25:37
I don't think he considered it to be one of his
25:39
best books, but everyone else did.
25:42
It's a hard book for modern readers to read at
25:44
the beginning. But once you get the hang of it,
25:46
it's pretty good. It's good to read it with notes
25:48
at the bottom because all that learning that he'd taken
25:50
in Italy, all the adages that he learned are just
25:52
poured into this book. So
25:55
it was also a scene to be as
25:57
extremely learned by people and therefore
25:59
some something of real interest. So
26:02
I'm getting a sense that there was
26:04
a kind of delight among scholars at
26:06
the time in spotting oh that's good
26:08
you've used that from oh Virgil
26:11
there and oh you all that bit from Cicero
26:13
there you know there's the kind of sense of
26:15
enjoying recognising the inclusions and thinking
26:17
of that as claveness but there's
26:19
a kind of inversion going on
26:22
here which is where he's doing
26:24
something frightfully clever and full
26:26
of classical illusion and demonstrating all this
26:28
learning but actually he's talking about the
26:30
value of being a fool and
26:33
perhaps it's that paradoxical nature that makes
26:35
it so appealing. It is
26:37
as paradoxical as one could achieve I think
26:39
in taking on something like that. It was
26:42
published with one of the early editions with
26:44
the Imphrase of Baldness is on tossed in
26:46
addition of that and by Saines Césius I
26:48
think his name was and so it's popped
26:51
into there and other of these false
26:53
praises it was a kind of a jokey
26:55
thing but it's that learning
26:57
that really mattered and that people were
27:00
super responsive to and the way he
27:02
was able to use his own learning
27:04
in the work too and he refers to
27:06
it himself he said if you want more he ended
27:09
up writing footnotes to it and provided
27:11
an index to it in case you
27:13
needed that also so as it went
27:15
through subsequent publications you have this commentary
27:17
written by a younger scholar but
27:19
mostly by Erasmus actually and
27:21
it tells you oh for this you should
27:24
read Erasmus's adages it turns in on itself
27:26
and feeds off itself the whole project. You've
27:29
mentioned already his New Testament which
27:31
is a few years later 1516 if the
27:33
praise of
27:36
follow has been universally sort of acclaimed
27:38
how controversial was his New
27:41
Testament? Oh I think
27:43
pretty controversial. It
27:48
was not a project that was a
27:50
novelty because in Spain scholars were already
27:52
working on a massive multi-lingual
27:55
version of the Bible the Confuetentian
27:57
polyglot it's called and it was
27:59
a going to be a Bible
28:01
with different languages set side by
28:03
side, like an expanded, low translation
28:06
something. We have all the
28:08
languages now and different versions, but he
28:10
got started on this and what really
28:12
got him moving was he's always been
28:14
interested in what to do with the
28:16
Bible and how to approach it, but
28:18
he really had trained himself now as a
28:21
philological scholar. He was interested in words,
28:23
where they came from, what's appropriate at
28:25
a certain place and time, what were
28:27
the actual meanings of things. And
28:29
he came across the work of a
28:32
scholar named Lorenzo Vala, who he'd already
28:34
known for his work on Latin style.
28:36
And Vala had done a really close
28:39
analysis of the standard Vulgate Bible that
28:41
was being circulated at the time and
28:43
pointed out many mis-translations between
28:46
the Greek version of the Bible and
28:48
of the New Testament and the extant
28:50
Latin version. And that got
28:52
Erasmus Ferry heated up over this particular
28:54
project. And so he was able to
28:56
go back, look at the Bible and
28:59
the way the language has been translated
29:01
and then do his own translation. And
29:03
that is a step too
29:05
far for his people around
29:07
him in the church and so on. It
29:09
was seen as being verging on heretical. When
29:12
you get people translating Bible, people do get
29:14
upset and they prefer to go back to
29:16
the one they know. It had
29:18
a lot of problems. And also when the
29:21
first edition came out, it had many errors
29:23
in it because Erasmus was an
29:25
extremely fast worker. And I think
29:27
he figured already by then that
29:30
you can publish something, but there's a great
29:32
thing. You can republish it. And so the
29:35
Bible went through five editions. The
29:37
commentary kept getting expanded on it. And
29:40
in the commentary, he was then able to
29:42
write against the critics of his Bible and
29:44
who would maybe criticize something he said. And then
29:47
he would go in a footnote
29:49
to the commentary, his annotations to the
29:51
Bible and slam
29:53
the critic who had attacked
29:55
him. And so it
29:57
actually makes for quite interesting reading a biblical.
30:00
commentary because it's a
30:02
bit like reading Freud. A lot
30:04
of Freud's writings are really attacks
30:06
on his attackers and Erasmus
30:08
is doing that in his work too. So it
30:10
made for a dynamic
30:12
reading experience. It
30:15
was a live issue that you were looking at.
30:17
It was something that was meaningful and that was
30:20
being fought over. And so people would look
30:22
at this and they would have to make up their own minds
30:24
too if they were reading it. This
30:26
Bible project, that combined with
30:28
praise of folly, which is seen as being
30:30
heretical in its own way, really
30:32
got him to be a figure
30:35
of great annoyance to scholars and
30:37
theologians in different places, Paris especially,
30:39
and in places in Spain and
30:41
so on. And then it's
30:44
really just after this period that you
30:46
begin to have his many critics just
30:48
coming after him. I tried
30:50
to explain that in the book because there is
30:52
a kind of theory that a sociologist sets up
30:54
which is there's only so much room at the
30:56
top. And when you
30:59
have a period of controversy as
31:01
it soon became in 1517 with Luther, a
31:03
highly controversial
31:06
period, there would be a necessity
31:08
for someone to be standing
31:11
out in front to take the discussion, to
31:13
lead the discussion and so on. And Erasmus
31:15
is one of those people or became the
31:17
person really for quite a period of time.
31:19
I think towards the end of his life
31:21
people dropped away from him a bit. He
31:23
was too complicated for them by the end.
31:26
But with the Bible and all these many
31:28
classical things that he'd been doing, it
31:30
really had attracted quite an interest in
31:33
him and following. So
31:35
you mentioned that this is a period where
31:37
there's many critics and there are debates over
31:39
all sorts of things. But perhaps the most
31:42
important is Martin Luther you've just mentioned. And
31:44
you know at the outset there's a glance
31:46
you'd think they'd have so much in common.
31:48
I know they never met but you'd think
31:51
well they both cared about reform. They're
31:53
both quite earthy and a bit concerned
31:55
with bodily functions and they're
31:58
both interested in new reading. of
32:00
Scripture. So why in
32:02
the end do they not see eye to
32:04
eye? There was two
32:06
things happening I think for Erasmus.
32:09
One was the environment around Luther
32:11
or of the whole religious debate
32:13
and his feeling forced into a
32:17
head-on debate with Luther because two things were
32:19
happening with that. First of all it was
32:21
not just Luther but it was the whole
32:24
humanist project which was under
32:26
scrutiny now by theologians and so
32:28
on because they saw Luther as
32:30
being more of a humanist than
32:32
a regular Catholic even though he
32:34
was highly trained in scholastic philosophy
32:37
and people were taking sides and
32:39
everyone on the humanist side was
32:41
urging Erasmus to fight
32:44
with Luther because Luther was seen
32:46
to attract the hatred of this
32:48
anti-humanist crowd of theologians and so
32:51
he was pulled into it. Initially
32:53
he didn't really want to do that. He actually
32:55
admired aspects of Luther but he felt Luther was
32:57
pushing it too hard and Luther
32:59
I think also changed a lot from 1517 up into
33:01
the 1520s and 1520 he was
33:06
excommunicated. So during this short period
33:08
Luther I don't think even knew
33:10
what he had started until
33:13
it got out of control and he
33:15
was being forced into looking
33:18
at his own position and clarifying it
33:20
further and further and finally
33:22
really to the point of a
33:24
break with the church and I don't
33:26
think he necessarily intended that at
33:28
the beginning and Erasmus was
33:30
with him along that road for quite a
33:32
while and then suddenly realized this has gone
33:35
too far and the curious
33:37
thing about the book that Erasmus
33:39
wrote the Diatribe about free
33:41
will is that he really latched on to
33:43
the one thing that Luther
33:46
had not really foregrounded but
33:49
in discussion with Erasmus that turned out
33:51
that was actually the make-or-break issue. It
33:53
wasn't corruption in the church or church
33:55
indulgences or hatred of the humanist study
33:58
and all that kind of stuff. It
34:00
was really something to do that was
34:02
an essential thing in what Luther was
34:04
on about. And that is the
34:06
denial of free will and agency
34:09
in your moral life, really. And
34:12
Erasmus tried to explain his position on
34:14
that, and Luther was having none of
34:16
it. Luther had a very extreme position.
34:18
Erasmus just couldn't go down that road,
34:20
but they had a lot in common
34:22
up until the real break came. I
34:25
wonder if another sort of
34:28
point of controversy was that
34:30
Erasmus couldn't accept the principle
34:32
that only Scripture is the source of
34:35
authority, in part because he could
34:37
see how flawed translations
34:39
of it could be. That's a very
34:42
good observation. Erasmus was very aware
34:44
of the tradition of interpretation and
34:46
could see that anyone who locked
34:48
into something was going into a
34:51
world that was already extremely controversial,
34:53
right from the very earliest days
34:55
of the church. And
34:57
he had been editing a lot of these
34:59
texts now, the early church fathers, doctors, and
35:01
so on. Really, he could
35:03
see how difficult it was to reach
35:05
some kind of an agreement or consensus.
35:08
But he felt that in the church, as a community
35:10
of friends, you could say, there
35:13
should be some form of consensus in there. And
35:15
he could not find that consensus with
35:17
Luther. And that consensus came of a
35:20
long tradition of reading, thinking,
35:22
meditating on Scripture, and so on.
35:25
And Luther had broken from that. And
35:27
also, the other thing is, Luther was supposed to
35:30
be a friend. That's how they
35:32
initially approached each other and the possibility
35:34
of some kind of friendship. It was
35:36
an extremely unfriendly exchange that had occurred.
35:39
And that notion of the community and
35:41
of the consensus of the
35:43
Republic of Letters, people joining
35:45
together to create, overall, a
35:48
better civic society. He could see
35:50
that was collapsing with Luther. And Luther
35:52
could see that he could not
35:54
belong to this group or
35:57
to this idea of a group, I guess, would be
35:59
more accurate. When we look at
36:01
Erasmus, there's actually much that
36:03
is familiar in terms of
36:06
fame today. He's famous in part because
36:08
he seeks fame, like he's on social
36:10
media or something. He does have the
36:13
media of the time, which is print
36:15
that he is using so effectively. And
36:18
you quote Andrew Pettigrew saying that he was
36:20
a coolly commercial intellectual and one has to
36:22
admit if you're going to publish and
36:25
republish so people have got to get your later editions.
36:28
That is pretty savvy. What
36:30
do you think we should learn from him?
36:33
I am quite drawn to his message. I'm
36:35
not sure if I'm at the end of
36:38
the humanist or you to hear yourself at
36:40
the end of a humanist tradition or not
36:42
because things have changed a lot in the
36:44
academic world and in the idea of the
36:46
canon of literature and all that. It's undergoing
36:49
a tremendous changes in our own time. And
36:52
to look back at Erasmus' time, which is
36:54
also full of surprises and
36:56
changes there, that he had set
36:58
on a path that I felt
37:00
really regulated a lot of education
37:02
in times after. So it
37:04
really in England, it could be seen
37:06
in St. Paul's school, 1509. John
37:09
called it rewrote the rules for the school
37:12
and changed the curriculum and had a huge
37:14
impact in England. And really the whole education
37:17
of England up in the time of
37:19
Shakespeare and so on, Marlowe, and they're
37:21
all reasonably well educated, even though
37:23
Shakespeare had small Latin and less Greek, he
37:25
was expected to have some of them. And
37:28
he was writing in part for a learned
37:30
audience as well as for the more popular
37:32
audience. And we have kept that
37:34
in the education system for many
37:36
centuries really. And people, Boris Johnson
37:38
recited in large twaths of the
37:40
Iliad, it's on a video somewhere.
37:42
And I went, wow, that would
37:44
have been a good party trick
37:46
in Erasmus' time, not ours. So
37:49
that was retained in the school system and
37:51
all that. And now I
37:53
think we see a shift away from
37:55
certainly historical studies, classical literature and so
37:58
on, and it's other things are happening. happened.
38:00
And so my takeaway from this
38:02
is that if we do that,
38:04
we're losing something. And that is
38:06
the thing that Erasmus really has,
38:08
this personal sense of showing oneself
38:10
in one's own writing, the interiority
38:13
of each individual as a response
38:15
to that interior reaction we have,
38:18
which makes us each an individual
38:20
as readers. Each reader is
38:22
different from each other reader. That's why we get
38:24
so many debates about what something actually means. And
38:27
he encourages that. And he
38:29
also encourages a discussion that goes
38:31
around that. And that the ideas
38:33
can come into discussion and play.
38:35
And at the same time, that
38:38
serves to support the project of
38:40
a kind of civic society. So
38:42
we're in something that's sort of putting that a
38:44
little bit under stress right now. So
38:46
I'm not sure if I look back to
38:48
him as an exemplar of something that was
38:50
great, or maybe that's something that should be
38:52
great ahead of us. Well,
38:55
thank you very much for a brief
38:57
introduction to this great figure,
39:00
Erasmus. But I do
39:02
heartily recommend to listeners
39:04
this lovely little book, Erasmus of
39:06
Rotterdam, The Spirit of a Scholar. Professor
39:09
Belkert, thank you so much for your time.
39:11
And thank you very much. I enjoyed that.
39:43
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