Episode Transcript
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Cast helps creators launch, grow
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and one of times the
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podcast everywhere a cast.com. At
1:41
the end of Fifteen Ninety
1:43
Nine into early sixteen hundred
1:45
villages for sure in the
1:48
center of Friends told magistrates
1:50
have to parliament of Paris,
1:52
the Criminal Court is jurisdiction
1:54
covered over half the French
1:56
population Of the appalling acts
1:58
of rape, pillage, torture, and
2:00
murder, inflicted on them a decade earlier,
2:02
in the winter of 1590-91, by Mathieu
2:04
Delac Today's
2:29
guest has examined the trial of Mathieu Delac demonstrating
2:32
how much could be achieved
2:34
when a resourceful and wealthy
2:37
plaintiff, in this case a
2:39
woman, led the charge. The
2:42
testimonies that emerged from Chomos villagers
2:44
give us some insight into what
2:46
it was like to live through
2:48
France's 16th century religious wars. My
2:52
guest is Dr Tom Hamilton, Associate
2:54
Professor in Early Modern European History
2:56
at Durham University, and
2:58
the author most recently of A Widow's
3:00
Vengeance After the Wars of Religion, Gender
3:03
and Justice in René-Sence, France. He's
3:06
also written articles about the case for history
3:08
today, and for the journals History
3:10
Workshop and French History, all of which
3:12
are currently open access. And
3:14
not only that, but he's also transcribed
3:17
the trial, and the full text of
3:19
it can be found on criminalcorpus.org. This
3:22
case is fascinating, one of the
3:24
first criminal trials to survive from
3:26
the 16th century in the archives
3:28
of the Parliament of Paris. This
3:30
podcast contains references to violence, rape
3:33
and homicide. Dr
3:41
Hamilton, Tom, welcome back to Not Just the
3:43
Tudors. Hi, Judy, thanks for having me again.
3:46
So, I thought I'd start by
3:48
asking you how you came across
3:50
this trial, and what about it
3:52
caught your interest? I guess the
3:54
question underlying that one is, what
3:57
sort of history do you care about writing? Is it... In
4:00
the trial that I came across when I was working
4:02
in the National Archives in Paris, and
4:04
I was particularly looking at an archive
4:06
series of criminal records of the High
4:09
Courts of the Parliament of Paris.
4:11
But really I wanted to find evidence of
4:13
people's experience in the French Wars of Religion.
4:15
And it's really hard to come across ordinary
4:18
people's experiences in the 16th century when
4:20
most people were illiterate and sources are
4:22
scarce. People might turn up in tax
4:24
records potentially if they're wealthy enough to
4:26
pay a tax, but that's not their
4:29
own voices of the period. So I
4:31
thought maybe if I look at criminal
4:33
archives I at least find somebody asking
4:35
a question and writing down
4:37
responses of anyone who ends up in a
4:39
trial for whatever reason, they're prosecuting their witnesses
4:42
and they might be accused. But
4:44
the archives are sometimes a bit overwhelming. I
4:46
found a series of records of criminal trials
4:49
and looking through them I realised this one
4:51
was astonishing because it had probably the longest
4:53
amount of testimony of any trial
4:55
I'd seen in the 16th century criminal archives
4:57
in France of evidence
5:00
of the impact of the Wars of Religion,
5:02
how people lived through the troubles and in
5:04
this case sought justice for
5:06
some of the soldiers' violent experience. So
5:10
can you paint a brief picture,
5:12
she says, setting the impossible of the
5:15
Wars of Religion up to 1590 and
5:17
what that meant then for the villagers
5:19
of Chommo which we're going to be talking
5:21
about? It's interesting. The trial comes up towards
5:23
the end of the Wars of Religion and
5:25
what's conventionally classed as the Eight Civil War.
5:28
It's a period of nearly four decades of
5:30
conflict between Catholics and Protestants. The
5:32
context of the Wars of Religion is
5:34
the European Reformation and especially the French
5:37
Reformation in the early part of the
5:39
city's entry but really within France a
5:41
number of converts to Protestantism, especially in
5:43
the Calvinist tradition, expands dramatically
5:46
in mid-centuries, the 1550s, just as the
5:48
monarchies trying to clamp down on Protestant
5:50
worship, increase the number of prosecutions of
5:52
heresy, then I think people start to
5:54
see if this faith is worth dying
5:56
for, maybe then they'll want to condemn
5:58
it. There's a crisis on the one
6:00
hand of the growth of Protestantism in
6:03
the French Kingdom, which is Catholic under
6:05
a Catholic monarchy. On the other hand,
6:07
there's a crisis of the monarchy. When
6:09
in 1559, King Henry II was killed in
6:11
a jousting accident, he had three
6:13
sons, but none of them had children. So
6:16
Charles IX, Henry III, and also Duke of
6:18
Alaincon died before the end of Henry III's
6:20
reign. So there's a succession
6:22
crisis and a religious crisis. And the combination
6:24
of those two leads to conventionally
6:27
eight civil wars, but really a sequence
6:29
of major conflicts between Catholics
6:31
and Protestants, known as Huguenot, but
6:34
also a larger expanded European conflict that
6:36
involves the Papacy, the Spanish monarchy, a
6:39
transactional conflict that involves Tudor England, the
6:41
Netherlands. And it means that France in
6:43
the second half of the 16th century
6:46
is at the heart of Reformation Europe
6:48
and the fate of the Reformation is
6:50
at hand there. And what has happened
6:52
in 1589, 1590, immediately before the events at hand? So
6:57
this is the turning point in the final phase of
6:59
the wars religion. They're known as the wars or the
7:01
troubles of the Catholic League. And the
7:03
Catholic League is a group that's formed under the
7:06
leadership of the Gies family of France, with support
7:08
of the Papacy and the Spanish monarchy, to
7:10
prevent the succession to the throne of
7:13
the Protestant Henry of Navarre. And because
7:15
the last Valois king, Henry III, didn't
7:17
have an heir, that meant that Navarre
7:19
was next in line by hereditary descent.
7:22
Henry III was assassinated in
7:25
1589 by Jacques Clemence, who's a Dominican friar from
7:27
Sainte in central France, and he
7:29
had no heir. Next in line to
7:31
the throne by hereditary descent was Henry of Navarre, who
7:33
later became King Henry IV. But
7:36
before he became King Henry IV, there
7:38
was a vast war to stop him
7:40
because the Catholic League wanted a Catholic
7:43
claimant primarily rather than the
7:45
next hereditary claimant. And in
7:47
between there are all sorts
7:49
of negotiations of Catholic royalty
7:51
support Navarre versus Catholic extremists,
7:53
as the runners would say,
7:55
who were supporting the League.
7:58
And that conflict came to a halt. in
8:01
1590 when Nivar's troops laid
8:04
siege to Paris. Paris supported
8:06
the League as an uprising the day of
8:08
the barricades where theology students
8:10
along with Catholic militia took control of
8:12
the capital and so Nivar
8:14
wants to win the capital and hopefully
8:17
gain the kingdom, failed, went to
8:19
the siege Sance, the cathedral city in
8:21
central France. Again his army failed but
8:23
it's when Nivar's army leaves Sance that
8:25
the events that set up the trial
8:27
take place. So let's
8:30
talk about the villain of
8:32
this piece, Matriourand de la
8:35
Cauch, of what was he
8:37
guilty during this winter of
8:40
1590-1591? So Matriourand de la
8:42
Cauch was a soldier in Nivar's armies, fairly
8:45
sure that he was involved in the siege of Sance
8:47
and he was certainly involved in a much smaller siege
8:49
of a small town called Valerie to the west of
8:52
Sance. Matriourand de la Cauch
8:54
and his small band of soldiers, maybe a
8:56
dozen of them, that winter, were looking for
8:58
someone to stay, so they overwintered in the
9:01
Chateau of Chaudon which is a small land
9:03
to the west of Sance, Southe Valerie, and
9:06
there they claimed food and board,
9:08
they claimed lodgings and possessions, they
9:11
also claimed sexual power over women
9:13
in the village. In the trial
9:15
that happened nearly a decade later,
9:18
Matriourand de la Cauch was found guilty of at
9:20
least 16 names
9:22
identified counts of rape, he
9:24
was found guilty of at least eight
9:26
counts of homicide and unnumbered amounts of
9:29
theft and pillage. Throughout that period he
9:31
arrives in All Saints Day, 1st November
9:33
1590, he leaves around just before Easter
9:35
in the New Year, 1691, so it's
9:38
a significant period of a number of
9:40
months where he's in control
9:42
and is terrorizing this village. And
9:45
actually some of the records which
9:47
you have also transcribed and published
9:49
so people can consult them, demonstrate
9:52
a kind of psychopathic level of
9:54
violence in this period. I suppose this is what the
9:56
debate comes down to in terms of the trial, we'll
9:58
talk a bit more about this. and new cause,
10:00
whether this is in the course of his scholarly duties
10:02
or not. But there is a sense that
10:05
this is going way beyond anything that could
10:07
be justified under the terms of his commission.
10:10
It's a really interesting problem. It's hard to
10:12
interpret the wars of religion are known as
10:14
an extremely violent period of European history. There
10:17
are many violent soldiers at work during
10:19
the wars of religion. I think here
10:21
in some ways there's a degree that
10:23
civilians did suffer from soldiers' violence. However,
10:26
the extremes of cruelty would be
10:28
how contemporaries put it, that Massacandal Akane
10:30
showed, do make him stand out.
10:33
And he's somebody who had a reputation
10:35
for violence before he entered the Chateau
10:37
of Chumon to control of it. In
10:40
Valerie during the siege there, he was
10:42
accused and there were witnesses proving that
10:44
he had quitted active rape at that
10:47
point. He was noticed on
10:49
his very litigious. I found him in
10:51
the records of the local court in
10:53
Valerie 10 years earlier, although
10:55
I found his wife trying to divorce him
10:57
at that point. They're the most common people
11:00
appearing in the law courts. She's trying to
11:02
divorce him while they're being sued. And for
11:04
other points, he's clearly someone who's contentious,
11:07
but has a potential and a
11:09
track record of committing extreme violence
11:11
that was beyond what people expected
11:14
or allowed even in the most violent age
11:16
of the wars of religion. And
11:19
as you say, it kind of reveals
11:21
evidence of soldiers' violence towards civilians that
11:24
we don't otherwise have much testimony about.
11:27
But before we get any further, let's
11:29
talk about the heroine of this story
11:31
as well, René Chevalier. Now you characterise
11:33
her as the persistent widow. Can you
11:36
also explain her position as
11:38
Seigneur and how unusual that was?
11:42
She's fascinating. When I first found the trial,
11:44
I struggled to work out to transcribe what
11:46
is Shumu. I think sometimes the place, the
11:48
proper names, are the hardest things with the
11:50
handwriting, because normally you can expect the kind
11:52
of things that might turn up. But names
11:54
even putting it on a map took me
11:56
a long time. When I Realised
11:58
that the Lord of the Rings... The show was
12:00
of an issue valley. Who. Married
12:03
five times to be aged eighty
12:05
nine. She. Sued her uncle, her
12:07
mother in law, her third husband, a brother
12:09
in law and others. More than that she
12:11
always one. I kept trying to find Hulu
12:13
the a case in the trial. she's always
12:16
successful in litigation still not paying off debts
12:18
that sheath fascinating at the point that divine
12:20
takes place. she'd already be with over the
12:22
first time since she was the rural law
12:24
at the center of the chateau living I
12:26
with our household of servants. When method that
12:29
I caught arrived she said one of her
12:31
sons to spy on him. She's one of
12:33
the my simple witnesses Genes Apple. Does.
12:36
It's interesting that eventually as a lot it's
12:38
not that rare that wouldn't feel old. So
12:41
I colleague Epigram Gehring is welcome lords in
12:43
the late Middle Ages. He points out that
12:45
something like two fifths of Lords and Lynette
12:47
evil France or women as broadly the number
12:50
of women in the Us Senate army correctly.
12:52
so his felt that much a couple of
12:54
progress that I think steam or lordship with
12:56
the fact of life. and of unease
12:59
about he shows this. The. She'll say shows
13:01
how. Widows had extra capacity
13:03
for legal independents that she could
13:05
south a trial on her initiative,
13:07
not respond to any husband demands.
13:09
I think. Mack. Gondola cause
13:12
masterly underestimated her. When.
13:15
He invaded the chateau shallow he thought that she
13:17
was so on he could take advantage of. He.
13:19
Accused her of supporting the Catholic League.
13:21
She had a very strong track record
13:23
of the on opposite sides of the
13:25
conflict. He didn't realize the man opposition
13:27
the you safe by invading how chateau
13:29
and causing such extreme violence against the
13:32
villages. When I think. That
13:35
he is not said that it
13:37
is unusual that she's been this
13:40
case. As. I start
13:42
by the fact. That this case happens
13:44
it all depends so much as
13:46
the title of your book suggests
13:48
on her own initiative on high
13:50
and expenditure on her doggedness agency
13:52
that even in length of time
13:54
it took to go to trial
13:56
the think it's even about the
13:59
logistics of it, she gets it
14:01
it. fifty seven witnesses up the
14:03
river to Paris you comedy some
14:05
there for criminal trial to testify
14:07
before the intimidating prison magistrates a
14:09
me this is quite extraordinary. See
14:11
the Complete Master of using the law
14:14
courts in the city than than it
14:16
answers. To. For the witnesses see chart
14:18
of the boat from some. The. Goes
14:20
down there of a young of the same
14:22
as the powers she has a hotel or
14:24
residents in Paris on the left bank of
14:27
the sang sung the boat would have dogs
14:29
out that a house I found orders for
14:31
wine the would to keep the fire going
14:33
through the window seen as nine and he
14:35
didn't hundred when the witnesses are in Paris
14:38
the by that point she knew how to
14:40
work because. Because she'd already.
14:42
Litigated. Successfully have a
14:44
different phases Poly it's a plenty about
14:47
her status. She's a widow she the
14:49
lord. She had failed her villages by
14:51
lie my family cause to invade and
14:53
take control. She'd failed to do justice
14:55
A senior. Don't. Other hand, she's
14:58
exceptional because another diverges five years
15:00
old. Her. Uncle took
15:02
control of her guardianship. He.
15:05
Use a third of her fortune
15:07
to finance a Protestant armies in
15:09
around sounds. So. He
15:11
arranged her first marriage to Michael Mccann the
15:13
guys who the finance yeah, he saved the
15:16
fortunes, the house in Nevada or then took
15:18
a job in part and said. That.
15:20
He had a protestant mother so that
15:22
was potty. convenient. So. English about
15:24
his uncle Fishy feed her uncle for
15:27
gardens back. That's a long time. Nothing.
15:30
Illegal his mother said when he shot his
15:32
mother in law. Was. Fascinating her
15:34
own right, she fled to Geneva.
15:36
With. The Bishop of Nevada. And
15:38
combat the person isn't. The. Visual to
15:41
that was executed for treason and for not
15:43
having had a current marriage contre when they
15:45
arrived Seventies Valley of the defend her inheritance
15:47
from first husband against her Mother in law
15:49
says she got your really compare to the
15:52
asian and always succeed. It's a she knew
15:54
what was required, the locals what is the
15:56
standard of proof. What? Can a
15:58
plaintive due to. Charter the boat,
16:00
provide the packed lunch and the wine but
16:03
not provide so much of a tasty patterns
16:05
that counted as bribery month and then of
16:07
course tried to say she had robin the
16:09
witnesses training them to lot to do getting
16:12
punched incentives that the witnesses say actually know
16:14
I'm out of pocket. I spent four months
16:16
in Paris. My. Shoe the war now
16:18
I what part of the way to the
16:21
got off the boat see did all that
16:23
was required to prosecute any shows the in
16:25
early modern period in the city century it
16:27
was difficult to prosecute. he did or resources
16:29
pile authority in know how but it wasn't
16:32
impossible to prosecute If we think that. A
16:34
trial that takes. Eight or nine
16:36
years to get to cause. A proxy
16:38
sexual violence breathing does slow inefficient as
16:41
we might have some as one day
16:43
that the criticism. A sixteenth
16:45
century justice. What? We think
16:47
about twenty first century justice. And
16:49
the that's a couple more obstacles
16:52
in the way of this. going
16:54
to trial because it's after the
16:56
edict is not which is best
16:58
Her brought an end to the
17:00
religious wars of the previous for
17:02
decades that comes with conditions and
17:04
it's in a period where under
17:06
criminal justice system it is hard
17:08
for women. To. Prosecute sexual crimes,
17:11
Conditions under which they are due to have
17:14
happened They have to pay is. That. They
17:16
had resisted. They have to
17:18
have witnesses. These are challenging.
17:20
Circumstances it's really difficult around. It's
17:22
rare to prosecute sexual violence, I
17:24
think. Look, I thought I'm researching
17:26
the book that it's not as
17:28
rare as insurance claim. I
17:30
for their number. Going around the literature that
17:33
there were only a dozen or so. Rape
17:35
cases and I looked into the footnotes
17:37
and typically when he saw the trace
17:40
it back It comes from a myth
17:42
as I found many times that number
17:44
of cases in a sauna muschamp we're
17:46
so wouldn't do prosecute the sexual violence
17:48
but still that exception and I can't
17:50
prove this at the sense that because
17:53
only studies the plaintiff. this
17:55
a female plaintiff thought that encourage
17:57
the women of shovel to testify
17:59
in court. In a Parisian court, these
18:01
are villagers from central France who've possibly
18:04
never even seen the Quile city of
18:06
Sainz, let alone Paris, testifying
18:08
face-to-face against a soldier and a
18:10
rapist, in some instances saying that
18:13
he had raped them or their relatives and friends.
18:15
So that required courage, also high
18:18
quality of evidence, a large number of witnesses
18:20
with a clear view and a clear recollection.
18:23
But that's one thing to prosecute the challenge
18:25
of possibly in sexual violence. As
18:27
you said, the other point here is the context of
18:29
the wars of religion. The edict of
18:31
Nantes, one of a sequence of edicts that
18:33
bring peace and religious toleration at
18:35
the end of each phase of the civil wars.
18:37
But the point that's best known about it is
18:40
the first article. Everyone remembers that the first point
18:42
of Nantes is that you should forget the wars
18:44
of religion. And that doesn't mean wipe your
18:46
memory as a blank slate, but it
18:48
means don't pick up disputes that
18:50
were linked to civil wars, an amnesty clause.
18:52
And that's article one, but then I think
18:55
this trial depends on a more specific article,
18:57
86, which is the article
18:59
on exocable crimes, which basically
19:01
means if an incident
19:03
is so severe, so violent, which includes
19:06
soldiers, rape and acts of homicide, which
19:08
don't follow the orders of their hierarchy,
19:10
then that is a crime, not an
19:13
act of war, and it can be
19:15
prosecuted. Whereas an act of war would
19:18
be covered by the amnesty clause. So it's
19:20
a complicated balance of organizing
19:22
a trial, bringing the quality
19:24
of evidence, but also negotiating a
19:26
quite specific political context that was
19:29
trying to prevent between acknowledgement of
19:31
these kinds of cases, race
19:33
and violence. Age
19:59
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Full terms at mintmobile.com. This
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is After Dark. Myths, misdeeds
21:01
and the paranormal. The
21:04
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21:06
shadiest corners of the past. Unpicking
21:08
history's spookiest, strangest and most sinister
21:11
stories. I'm Maddy Pelling and
21:13
I'm Anthony Delaney. Join us every Monday
21:15
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21:17
at the darker side of history from
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21:24
Dark, Myths, misdeeds and the paranormal
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wherever you get your podcast. Brought
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to you by History Hit. Can
21:40
you give us some examples of the testimonies
21:42
that were given? It's establishing
21:44
some of the things that people were
21:46
saying during the trial. One example
21:49
that really stuck out to me
21:51
was Nachandar Akanje's homicide killing of
21:53
Llewelles Sorens. Llewelles Sorens was a
21:55
laborer who worked in Shumu. Nachandar
21:58
Akanje accused him of being a spy. for
22:00
the Catholic League. He accused everybody in
22:02
the village of being against him. It's
22:04
a conspiracy mindset. So to
22:07
punish Noel Sorens for allegedly spying
22:09
against him, Massrand de la Cange tied
22:11
him up. But he tied him
22:13
up, according to Noel Sorens widow,
22:15
so tightly it was like a
22:17
bushel of wheat. And he pushed him
22:19
down the hill and was attacking him with
22:22
his sword. He attacked him with horses hooves
22:24
that kicked him. And apparently, according to the
22:26
testimony, his eyes were bulging as
22:28
a result of the attacks he suffered. That's
22:31
one of the incidents that becomes most common. I
22:33
think because Noel Sorens was very well liked, one
22:35
of the villagers said he was his best friend
22:37
in the world. Another of
22:39
the villagers was a childhood friend of
22:41
Massrand de la Cange, who said that he'd
22:44
shared the la Cange's bed more than 100
22:46
times growing up together in the village of
22:48
Dolo nearby. But Massrand de la Cange took
22:51
him hostage, tried to get a ransom
22:53
for him and tied him up. And when
22:55
he tied him up, it was apparently so
22:57
cruelly, he said that when the weather changed, he
23:00
felt his whole body in pain and he
23:02
was so bruised, his widow said that there
23:04
wasn't a part of him that you couldn't
23:06
see touched by the bruising. And he said
23:08
he wished he wasn't still living. It was
23:10
really tragic testimony. And then probably
23:13
the incident that's most often
23:15
mentioned is the series of attacks
23:17
Massrand de la Cange inflicted on
23:19
a woman from the village called Vard
23:21
Gautier, who had died before the
23:23
trial took place. And Massrand
23:25
de la Cange raped her
23:28
in the great hall of the chateau in
23:30
the presence of soldiers and some
23:32
of the villagers. And there were some villagers
23:35
who said they watched through the
23:37
keyhole because they were forced to watch by
23:39
Massrand de la Cange's soldiers. And that is
23:41
an important incident. It's an example of Massrand
23:43
de la Cange using rape as a weapon
23:45
of war. And here it is the case
23:47
and social scientists, war study scholars are debated
23:49
how far that is the case. What's the
23:52
function here? Is Massrand de la Cange being
23:54
a typical soldier, trying to make
23:56
his fellow soldiers complicit in an act of
23:58
sexual violence. They've all committed this. together,
24:00
they're all culpable. Is it to
24:02
intimidate the villagers? It seems true in this case, but
24:05
it's not the only incident of sexual violence. And
24:07
I think one contemporary lesson that feminist legal
24:09
scholars have raised from this point is
24:11
to say that not all rape committed by
24:13
soldiers in warfare is an act of war.
24:16
That almost sounds like it's in a pre-modern
24:18
context, even the site of legitimacy. It doesn't
24:20
have that in the slightest. Rape
24:22
is a crime and the
24:24
variety of sexual violence inflicted
24:26
on Mattschandlerkage was such that some
24:29
of it was in private houses, some of it was
24:31
in the vineyards, some of it was in view of
24:33
many villages. And it was the variety
24:35
of incidents that matter. And I think it's important
24:37
legally to identify what's happening, what
24:39
are the conditions, what's at stake of
24:41
an incident to find the appropriate legal
24:44
response. I'm also struck by the choice
24:46
you just made not to turn our
24:48
eyes away from the scene. And
24:50
I think there's an interesting decision to
24:53
be made as historians when we come
24:55
to think about this material. Because
24:58
on the one hand, you want
25:00
to do justice, I suppose, to
25:02
the people who experienced this savagery.
25:05
And that means in part saying
25:07
what was done to them. And
25:09
yet I'm struck by Sergio
25:12
Hartmann's challenge, how can we do more
25:14
than recount the violence that deposited these
25:16
traces in the archives? How can you
25:18
do more than keep rehearsing
25:21
the violence against these women and men
25:23
in this case as well, so that
25:25
we're not just being titillated by it?
25:28
I found that so difficult to write
25:30
about. I think one answer I had
25:32
here was, as you mentioned, to edit
25:34
the complete trial record. The sources out
25:37
there, it's transcribed. It's so rare to
25:39
find this kind of eyewitness testimony. A
25:41
soldier's sexual violence, even if tragically
25:43
the soldier's sexual violence was fairly common.
25:46
Here in writing the chapter,
25:48
I wanted to analyze
25:50
it as a problem and think about
25:53
how did the villagers tell their stories, but why
25:56
did they tell their stories in a certain way?
25:58
What was the stake for them? And
26:00
also to think about the incidents and what
26:02
they saw and I can say happened in
26:04
a way that makes a historical question How
26:06
do we know what happened? But also how
26:08
did they know what happened? What was
26:11
the standard of proof in the law courts? What
26:13
did the villagers have to say to prove
26:15
to the judges that Mathis van der Lechas
26:17
had committed all of these heinous crimes? and
26:19
so their way of telling a story in a
26:22
way is extremely vivid and situated
26:24
and I found never
26:26
gratuitous. It was accurate They wanted to give
26:28
a precise account of what he had done
26:31
on his motivations because that's what the judges
26:33
are looking for to find a guilty verdict
26:36
But their testimony was so detailed and
26:38
precise in a way I relied
26:41
on quoting them letting them tell
26:43
their story and giving a sense
26:45
of what justice meant to them And
26:47
so René Chevalier who is coordinating and supporting
26:49
their claims But I was
26:51
constantly when I was editing the
26:54
text thinking have I conveyed what their
26:56
point is I've done justice to
26:58
their testimony without making a gratuitous
27:00
scene of violence for itself But
27:03
rather for the historical sort of justice that they
27:05
shared It's interesting
27:07
then to think about the way
27:09
that the story was shaped for the
27:11
audience because Then it
27:13
would be things like having heard cries
27:16
or having seen Violence committed because then
27:18
you've got witnesses It would be the
27:20
fact that women would need to cry
27:22
out to demonstrate that they were resisting
27:25
And one thing as you know I've written about
27:28
rape and sexual assault in this very period in
27:30
France in the 16th century But
27:32
cases that fell under that kind
27:35
of legal standard for conviction because
27:37
they're being carried out in Ordinary
27:39
life they're being carried out by women
27:41
who quite often are going silent through
27:44
the trauma of rape but here we
27:46
have a situation where the testimony has
27:48
to fit the narrative that the criminal
27:50
court is going to recognize as Violence
27:54
and as rape the comparison
27:56
between what you're writing out in voice
27:58
of NIM was fascinating when I
28:00
was analyzing this trial because there are different levels
28:03
of justice. And I think with
28:05
the Consistory Court in Neem that
28:07
you wrote about, so effectively it
28:09
was fascinating that there's everyday violence.
28:11
This builds up in their community
28:13
and what goes for the Consistory
28:16
Court maybe has a lower threshold
28:18
for being denounced. Whereas what
28:20
goes to a criminal court requires so
28:22
much more financing and organization. It means
28:24
that you only get the really tip
28:26
of the iceberg of the most extreme
28:30
incidents with the most
28:32
coordinated campaigns of prosecutors. I
28:34
think the levels of justice work
28:36
together. We only know about the
28:38
more everyday patterns of violence
28:41
and patriarchy through the kinds of records
28:43
that you analyzed in the case of
28:45
Neem. And here I've got an exceptional
28:47
trial but I'm trying to work out
28:50
what elements are typical, what are exceptional.
28:53
Overall it's such a difficult problem. I
28:55
had a whole chapter that
28:57
I was very pleased with the statistical
28:59
analysis of all the trials and every
29:01
reader said I think that might break
29:03
up the narrative. I was
29:05
quite wedded to giving a context. It now
29:07
becomes a footnote and a separate article. I
29:10
think there counting was always me trying to
29:12
work out how typical what is, how many
29:14
trials are coming to court, what's the impact
29:16
of war on the business of justice, what
29:18
kind of trials are there. This case isn't
29:21
alone but certainly there
29:24
are not thousands of trials. There may
29:26
be dozens of trials of this nature but
29:29
none of them quite so well
29:31
conserved. Because the archives assisted, not
29:34
every record survives. In Paris
29:36
every trial was kept in a canvas case bag.
29:40
In the Toulouse archives the case bags are conserved.
29:42
There are more than a hundred thousand of them
29:44
still most of them uncathologued for
29:46
the seventh century. In Paris the judges sent
29:48
the case bags back to local courts. So
29:50
the entire trial is not there so I
29:52
transcribed more than 40,000 words. That's
29:54
still not the whole thing but the copy that
29:56
was kept in Paris gives that testimony
29:58
and it's just so... that this trial
30:01
not others have survived. I think here
30:03
the fact that Ganesha Valley was such
30:05
a determined plaintiff also helps in parts
30:07
explain that she made sure the
30:09
records kept in the archives. It's
30:12
so interesting I was asked this question a lot
30:14
about typicality and it's almost impossible to answer because
30:16
on the one hand as you say these
30:19
rapes are so multiple, the violence is
30:21
so excreval, this is on such a
30:23
grand and such witness scale that
30:26
it is obviously exceptional. And
30:28
yet it may only be
30:30
here because of the efforts of René
30:33
Chevalier, this one woman campaign to push
30:35
this to justice which means
30:37
that there may be many more instances of
30:39
this that just never saw the light of
30:41
the court. It's a really
30:43
important question to ask. The one point that
30:46
I draw from this trial is that it's
30:48
likely that there was far more instance of
30:50
extreme violence throughout the Civil War. This is
30:52
warfare, this is civil war of
30:54
a nature that impacts directly on civilian
30:57
population. On the other hand I
30:59
take some encouragement from the fact that the
31:02
villagers were willing to spend six
31:04
to eight months of their lives to
31:07
prosecute Madame de la Cage and to
31:09
say in the law courts in Paris and have it written
31:11
down by scribes that it's
31:13
not acceptable for soldiers to
31:15
commit sexual violence, it's not acceptable for
31:18
soldiers to run Saka village, that the
31:20
customs of law might be sometimes unclear
31:22
and might be debate at the time
31:25
but there's one thing for a jurist or a
31:27
general to say soldiers cannot use this extreme
31:29
of violence and there are uncertainties around that
31:32
but villagers know very well what's acceptable and
31:34
here they said this goes far beyond the
31:36
pale. There's a passage from the Essex of
31:38
Misha de Montaigne in that chapter on cruelty
31:41
where he was trying to distance himself from
31:45
certain kinds of violence. He said all peasants
31:47
they can stick a pig or put a
31:49
chicken's neck. That makes him squirm but he
31:51
thought there was maybe some difference still between
31:53
the kind of everyday violence of the farmyard
31:56
and the kind of extreme cruelty he saw
31:58
in the wars of religion. which
32:00
he thought was even more extreme than the most
32:02
extreme examples he'd read in Roman history. So
32:05
judging the typicality or exceptionality
32:07
of soldiers' violence, we can look into the
32:09
law courts, we can look it through writers
32:11
like Montaigne, but I think I so appreciate
32:13
the work on this trial because I could
32:15
judge it from the perspective of a villager
32:17
called Orlith Cuyu, who can sign better than
32:19
her husband and can say very well that
32:21
Matanakar should not have taken her grain. She
32:23
was at one villager who tried to prosecute
32:25
him immediately. Didn't manage it then,
32:27
but I think would have been satisfied nearly
32:30
10 years later. One
32:32
thing that came to me, you mentioned
32:35
earlier that one of the people witnessing
32:37
against him had slept in a bed
32:39
with him a hundred times. So
32:41
he's from a nearby village. He
32:44
knew some of the people that he hurt. And
32:46
I wondered how much that played
32:48
a role in the urgency of
32:50
securing justice against him. Matanakar
32:53
clearly is somebody who's well connected in
32:56
the region. He grew
32:58
up in the household of
33:00
the Arlí family. As it turned out,
33:03
Ashil de Arlí became by sitting hundred
33:05
when the trial was happening, the first
33:07
present of Pardon of Paris. And on
33:09
his day of execution, Matanakan was waiting
33:11
for a pardon because he thought that
33:14
having lived in this household would
33:16
have given him some favour. And it clearly
33:18
didn't. The Arlí family include
33:20
Christophe de Arlí, Chard de Arlí. Christophe de
33:22
Arlí became an ambassador in England. Chard de
33:24
Arlí was governor in France. So he had
33:27
significant patrons, I think, who probably got him
33:29
into the army and were on the royalist
33:31
side. But Matanakan
33:33
also had patronage
33:36
from René Ville as his
33:38
general, Ciorre de Champs-Ivo. And basically
33:41
when the violence ended, Chard de
33:43
Arlí pulled out Matanakan from the village and
33:45
he sent twelve noblemen in,
33:48
including Chard de Arlí, saying to
33:50
him, At this point, you're needed
33:52
elsewhere, but potentially I think he would have heard
33:54
that the La Canche had gone too far and
33:56
had to be stopped. However, the La Canche was
33:58
rewarded, he became... Provost
34:00
Marshall, which is head of the
34:02
highway police and military justice, he
34:05
was the one in charge of military justice
34:07
in the region immediately after the wars of
34:09
religion. So he had
34:11
the fear of protection. I found him, when
34:14
he got that role, selling his farm in Dolo, buying
34:16
a house in Sance. He was going
34:18
up in the world. His general got the cordon bleu,
34:20
the blue sash of the Order of St. Michel. They're
34:23
being rewarded for violence in the
34:25
name of Henry Navarre, so-called good
34:27
King Henry, here who's patronising extremely
34:29
cruel soldiers. However, when his general
34:31
dies, when Dolo got his general
34:33
champs vivos, dies somewhere
34:35
around 1996, then Renishia
34:38
Valley begins the trouble. So she knows
34:40
how to negotiate the local hierarchy. And
34:42
one thing she also does is get
34:44
documents signed by, I think, eight leading
34:47
noblemen and officeholders of the
34:49
law courts in Sance, saying
34:51
and signing to say, Renishia Valley
34:54
supported the King all along. She
34:56
was never a leaguer. She was the
34:58
first chaper to declare publicly for the King. So
35:01
you can't doubt her credentials. And I think that
35:03
really outflanks the l'acage in the courtroom. He thinks
35:05
he can slander her as a leaguer, but
35:08
he has no idea the degree of her,
35:10
or at least has no avowed sense, the
35:12
degree of her patronage network, support
35:15
the Duke of Navarre, her royalist credentials
35:17
in Sance and in Paris.
35:20
So the l'acage is well connected, but
35:22
his connections and his well don't match
35:24
Renishia Valley. And
35:27
do you think that's ultimately why the
35:29
case is successful? Because at
35:32
one level it seems extraordinary that a
35:34
soldier who has fought for the new King should
35:37
then be executed for
35:39
what he protests he's done in trying
35:42
to establish royal authority. In a
35:44
way it's an impossible question to answer, because
35:46
it's an internal versus external exhalation of
35:48
how law functions. And I suppose my
35:50
point is that they go together.
35:52
On the one hand you need to have the
35:54
circumstances that are right for the trial to take
35:56
place. On the other hand, you
35:58
do need the evidence. Maybe here
36:01
I'm being too much aligned with the
36:03
judges I work on a bit into as detail
36:05
but I think they do have a sense of
36:07
proof. They do have a sense of
36:09
what is justice. Roman law
36:11
in the sittinies century is very comprehensive
36:14
and at least in the appeal courts
36:17
it's very hard to
36:19
win a case without a body
36:21
of evidence that means that the
36:24
judges can say there are valid
36:26
witnesses we have proof whether material
36:28
evidence or eyewitness evidence
36:31
but a case can't get to court
36:33
can't have support through the legal hierarchy
36:36
without the right financing connections so I
36:38
think the two do go together but
36:40
Venetia Valley had judged the right moment
36:43
to go to trial among other things
36:45
she married her second husband Charles de
36:47
la Grange in the time between initiating
36:49
the investigations against the la Cage and
36:51
bringing the case to trial so
36:54
she had extra backing and her second husband Charles
36:56
de la Grange he was also
36:58
a military general and a governor of
37:00
Isudal. Her second husband had the status
37:02
of the la Cage's patron so
37:05
from her being at risk against
37:07
the soldier and a provost-martial
37:09
in 1596 by 98-99 she's got a husband of
37:11
equal standing although he
37:16
sadly died within a year of their marriage which
37:19
does produce an incredible source of the inventory
37:21
of her household to take account of her
37:23
possessions at the moment her second husband's death
37:26
so from moment she had extra backing to
37:29
take the case to court I think I
37:31
wouldn't want to see that any further it's
37:33
the combination of circumstances and substantive
37:36
content of law that means Venetia Valley
37:38
can win the case regardless of the
37:40
La Cage's attempts to say
37:43
that she's using chicanery she's bribing
37:45
the witnesses they're all lies and
37:47
thieves and cheats you can't trust
37:49
her or the evidence he tries
37:51
everything but it's not
37:53
successful yes I was really struck
37:55
by the various ways that he was trying to defend
37:58
himself I mean typically of course imputing the sexual honour
38:00
of those who are bringing charges. It's
38:02
a fairly conventional approach but you know
38:04
call them mackerel, call them a whore
38:07
on a board and hope that the mutt will
38:09
stick. I want
38:11
to ask you one last question about
38:13
this Tom. Obviously the experience of these
38:15
villages is the primary thing here but
38:18
as a historian reading
38:21
this brutal material it also
38:23
must take a certain toll
38:25
and I wondered if you had reflected at
38:27
all on that in the course of coming
38:30
across this trial and thinking about how to
38:32
handle it. I'm always fascinated by
38:34
those who can make it their work
38:37
to go and provide justice which
38:39
means encountering some of the darkest
38:41
elements of humanity. It's a really
38:43
important question. It's one I found really difficult throughout
38:46
the research and writing and
38:48
I found it a challenge to edit
38:50
to choose the right words but also first
38:52
my solution to that was just make sure
38:55
I was sticking closely to the text and
38:57
the detail and analyzing the document. The risk
38:59
I actually felt too was having too much
39:01
distance from the violence I'm describing because I'm
39:04
accessing it through a record
39:06
written in the hand of the court
39:08
scribe. I think about a third of
39:10
the witnesses signed sometimes I can get access to
39:12
their hand on the page but
39:14
I'm also accessing a record which is framed
39:16
by the way the judges ask questions trying
39:19
to make sure the evidence conforms to
39:21
the clause of X-4 crimes they're looking
39:23
for translating it in so many ways.
39:26
So there's a degree of distance that comes from
39:28
the record but there's also a degree
39:31
of proximity that comes from eyewitness testimony
39:34
and one thing I felt quite
39:36
strongly is just that it's a really important
39:38
topic and I found it strange
39:41
looking into the wider field how
39:44
rare it is to find detailed discussion
39:46
of a full trial of sexual violence
39:49
of this nature especially during warfare when
39:51
the records are not so well conserved
39:53
but also when the assumption is that
39:55
this was common and didn't
39:57
face any consequences that soldiers would just get
40:00
away with sexual violence. So
40:02
I think at least historicizing the
40:04
village sense of justice and the Rolish
40:06
Valley sense of justice helped. What also
40:08
helped was talking to colleagues who
40:11
work on similar questions in the present. So
40:13
I've got dear colleagues in Durham, the Centre
40:15
for Research into Violence and Abuse, and
40:18
they're practitioners, colleagues at Nicole Westmanland,
40:20
they work on the front line in
40:23
terms of policy and justice and charity
40:25
work and their perspective of
40:27
how to choose the right words, what
40:29
matters, how the past might also give
40:31
us a sense that justice
40:33
can be done in the sexual violence.
40:36
And there I thought one thing derived
40:38
from these conversations was a sense that there's almost,
40:41
I'd call it a rape myth. Back
40:44
in the past in some undetermined,
40:46
imprecise date, soldiers, men could get
40:48
away with sexual violence. And
40:50
one point I want to say here is that they
40:53
couldn't. They would face justice.
40:56
Soldiers rape in war was a crime
40:58
in the 15th century. And
41:01
that at least undermines any claim to
41:03
use the past in a sloppy or
41:05
hazy way to excuse the
41:07
failures of courts to prosecute successfully
41:10
today, or to excuse
41:12
attempts to justify unjustifiable violence. So
41:14
I think there's a broader sense
41:17
of why it matters. I wanted
41:19
to focus on just the content of the trial
41:21
and the stories that came through the documents. But
41:23
I think that bigger sense of why it matters
41:25
was what encouraged me to get back to the
41:28
computer screen and transcribe again or
41:30
rewrite the passage of the most sensitive
41:32
violence that occurred in the trial, because
41:34
it matters to get it down. It
41:36
matters to surf at these texts and
41:38
make it better known that sexual
41:40
violence was a crime and
41:43
was prosecuted successfully in the 16th
41:45
century. Well, thank
41:47
you very much for joining us to
41:49
talk about it. And those who wish
41:52
to consider more this question and to
41:54
think about the realities of
41:56
life in the 16th century and what a
41:58
woman of a new could
42:00
do and what villagers of
42:03
determination could do should pick up
42:05
a widow's vengeance after
42:08
the wars of religion, gender
42:10
and justice in Renaissance France
42:12
which is out now with Oxford University
42:14
Press. Dr. Hamilton thank you
42:16
so much for your time. Thank you for your
42:18
very interesting conversations. Thank you. And
42:25
thanks to you for listening to Not Just
42:27
the Tudors from History Hit and also
42:30
to my researcher Alice Smith and my
42:32
producer Rob Weinberg. We're always
42:34
eager to hear from you so
42:36
do drop us a line at
42:39
notjustthetudorsathistoryhit.com or on X,
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only known as Twitter, at
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not just tutors. And
42:46
please remember to follow Not Just the Tudors wherever
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as soon as they're released. My
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new online course Henry VIII The
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Making of the Tyrant starts
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