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1:59
globally. So as
2:01
a result, oil producing nations from kind of the
2:03
1970s onwards really hit a boom period and Nigeria
2:05
was one of those. And so as a result, Nigeria's
2:08
economy has to a large extent, but
2:10
especially I'd say through like the 70s to the early
2:13
2000s, has been heavily reliant on oil exports.
2:16
Nigeria doesn't actually even have
2:19
at present, it doesn't even have any functioning refineries.
2:22
So it's not even really producing or it's not
2:24
sorry, I should say it's not refining the oil that it's
2:26
producing. So it's not as much even for domestic
2:28
consumption, because Nigeria is actually importing
2:31
refined oil, but really like the economy,
2:33
you know, like a massive share of the budget,
2:35
most of the foreign exchange reserves of the country, all
2:38
that stuff in many ways, like the economic lifeblood
2:40
of the country is producing crude
2:42
oil to be exported onto the global market. So
2:46
the thing is though, Nigeria is a big country, right?
2:48
It's presently divided administratively into
2:51
six geopolitical zones. And,
2:54
you know, those being like the northwest, north central,
2:57
northeast, and then similar southwest, south, south
2:59
and southeast. So the
3:02
oil in Nigeria is actually really all concentrated
3:05
in one region, that's the Niger Delta region, what's
3:07
today often referred to as the South-South. And
3:09
the South-South is an interesting region because it
3:11
kind of lies between two
3:13
of the areas that are traditionally seen
3:15
as like kind of the two of
3:17
the politically hegemonic or major
3:20
blocks, right? Nigerian politics,
3:22
going back to their British colonialism,
3:25
has often been seen as kind of like a balancing
3:28
act between, you know, the people
3:30
of the west, which is the Yoruba ethnic group, the people
3:32
of the north, which is the House of Fulani, and
3:34
then the people in the east, which is the Igbo people.
3:37
But to a large extent, the oil in Nigeria
3:39
is located in the Niger Delta, which is an area inhabited by ethnic
3:42
minorities. So they're not
3:44
part of any of those kind of big three ethnic
3:46
groups. And so as a result, there's kind of this sense
3:49
within the Delta that they're excluded
3:51
politically from the
3:53
countries, from national politics and all of that. So
3:57
you have this kind of weird combination
3:59
wherein... the wealth of the nation
4:01
in many ways, the lifeblood of
4:04
the nation, the thing that keeps the government running
4:06
to the extent that the Nigerian government functions,
4:10
is all a commodity that's being extracted
4:12
from a territory that's inhabited
4:14
by these smaller ethnic groups that are minorities.
4:17
And so that's obviously going to create
4:19
some sense of injustice or a feeling
4:21
that things are off balance and stuff. And
4:24
so really since the era of independence, since
4:26
the 1960s, there have been kind
4:28
of repeated movements throughout from
4:31
local people in the Delta calling for either a
4:34
form of independence or more commonly
4:36
like a greater distribution of oil revenues
4:38
and oil wealth to the Niger Delta areas. Because
4:41
especially in the era of military rule from
4:43
the 60s to the 90s, Nigeria established
4:45
a very centralized state, wherein all
4:48
of the oil that's getting produced in the Niger Delta,
4:50
you know, that those revenues are going to the federal
4:52
government. And then
4:55
for the most part, this kind of started to change in the 1990s,
4:57
but for much of Nigeria's history, the
5:00
federal government was giving very little of those revenues
5:02
back to the states that are actually producing the oil. Right?
5:04
So that kind of creates the groundwork for the sense of grievances.
5:08
Things started to get much more aggravated,
5:10
I'd say, in the 1980s for a couple of reasons. You
5:12
had kind of more youth groups and stuff in
5:14
the region mobilizing, so you had a whole new element
5:17
of youth politics and stuff. But
5:19
then you also had this added dimension
5:22
of kind of the increased number of
5:24
oil spills and ecological damage
5:26
from oil production that was a
5:29
result of the kind of the
5:31
shoddy management or the neglect
5:34
from the international oil companies, particularly
5:36
Shell being kind of the big giant
5:38
in the region. So it's not like purely
5:40
a local store either. The grievances
5:43
were against the Nigerian government, but they were
5:45
also against the international oil companies, which are
5:47
seen as kind of being in cahoots with
5:49
the government. And so there is this sense that
5:51
the people of the Delta felt that they
5:53
were getting kind of the worst
5:56
part of the deal, right? They were getting all the
5:58
environmental damage. and kind of seeing none
6:00
of the benefits, the revenues and stuff
6:03
of oil production. So
6:05
in the 1990s, protests started to really
6:08
kind of spike up. And at that
6:10
point, Nigeria was still ruled by these kind of military
6:13
juntas and stuff. And so you
6:15
had a number of kind of prominent activists,
6:17
the most famous one, this poet,
6:19
Kensaro Weewa. And him,
6:22
he and eight others in 1995 were
6:24
executed by the military regime of
6:26
General Sania Bacha, which a lot of people
6:29
kind of see nowadays as something of a
6:31
turning point because they turned these kind of
6:33
environmental activists into martyrs and stuff. And
6:35
it also, I think, showed a lot of people in the delta,
6:38
that the Nigerian military
6:40
or the Nigerian state was
6:42
not really interested in compromise or negotiation,
6:45
that they were taking a heavy-handed
6:47
approach to this. And so the response, the kind
6:50
of reaction had to be of equal
6:52
measure. So starting in the 1990s,
6:54
you had more kind of violent actions
6:56
from loosely organized youth groups and stuff,
6:59
groups that are often referred to globally in Nigeria
7:02
as cults. We would probably
7:04
better describe them as like criminal gangs. A lot of them
7:06
actually reformed that at university,
7:09
kind of like university fraternities, but then they turned
7:11
into kind of organized crime outfits. That's
7:13
maybe like a topic for a whole other discussion
7:16
because they're a fascinating subsection
7:18
of kind of the criminal underworld
7:20
in Nigeria. So groups like cults,
7:22
groups like youth movements and stuff started
7:25
taking more kind of violent measures to
7:29
disrupt the production of oil in the region.
7:31
So that would include like sabotaging pipelines.
7:34
It would include occupying flow stations, so
7:36
forcibly taking over these areas and stuff to
7:39
kind of force the oil companies to come out
7:42
and negotiate and meet the demands of local communities.
7:45
So all this stuff was kind of escalating through the 90s
7:47
and early 2000s, but it
7:49
wasn't necessarily, it wasn't happening
7:51
under kind of a single umbrella. It was lots of disparate
7:54
groups kind of acting independently and
7:56
stuff out of kind of, you know, genuine
7:58
grievance, although to some extent. and maybe
8:00
we can talk about this later because it's quite complicated,
8:03
but there's always been an element, I
8:05
think, as well of kind of competition between
8:07
local elites and the degree of opportunism,
8:10
I would say, you
8:12
know, with kind of the different
8:15
certain political entrepreneurs or kind of
8:17
community leaders taking opportunities
8:20
to kind of use the grievances of the
8:23
people against the oil companies to kind of enrich
8:25
themselves or position themselves as kind of these
8:27
like militant brokers and stuff. So,
8:30
I mean, to get back just kind of very quickly to wrap
8:32
up the general overview of the general trajectory
8:34
of the conflict.
8:37
Excuse me. You
8:39
have, you know, throughout the 2000s
8:41
the violence really escalates. I think kind of the peak
8:44
period would be like end of 2005 into 2006-2007
8:48
when you have the militants, even though they're
8:50
still kind of operating as you
8:53
know, different outfits. They've
8:56
kind of come together under this umbrella
8:58
organization, the Movement for the Emancipation of
9:00
the Niger Delta, known by its acronym
9:02
MEND, which kind of at the very least
9:04
was like a way of kind of, it
9:06
was like a public-facing umbrella
9:09
group kind of almost like you had in Syria, the different
9:11
kind of operations rooms or whatever, kind of a way
9:13
to express the grievances
9:16
and their objectives collectively and stuff. But
9:18
at the core what it was was a group of kind of
9:20
disparate militant elements, you
9:23
know, kind of targeting
9:25
the Nigerian state both in terms of like attacking
9:28
Nigerian soldiers and police and in some instances
9:30
attacking government officials and stuff, but
9:33
also very much targeting the oil
9:35
infrastructure of the state, that being their
9:37
primary focus. So in that
9:39
period of like the mid 2000s, the
9:42
Niger Delta insurgency was kind of at its highest,
9:44
at its peak. And it really
9:46
seemed for a time, you know, some Nigerian
9:49
and international commentators were kind of treating
9:51
this as like an existential threat for Nigeria,
9:53
right? Because the Nigerian state
9:55
since essentially 1970 has just
9:57
been reliant on crude oil exports. And
10:00
in the mid 2000s, these militants were sending
10:03
Nigeria's crude numbers tanking because,
10:06
you know, they were blowing up pipelines, they were attacking offshore
10:08
facilities, they had sophisticated weapons,
10:11
they were operating in these kind of high powered speedboats
10:13
and stuff. They were kidnapping a lot
10:15
of oil workers, including a lot of foreign workers.
10:18
So that was causing a lot of issues for
10:20
the oil companies as well. They were having trouble
10:22
even like maintaining their stations and stuff just
10:24
because of the security risks of sending
10:26
staff out there and such. And
10:29
so, you know, essentially the
10:32
Nigerian state after kind of several years
10:34
of trying to combat this threat militarily
10:37
but failing in that effort,
10:40
the Nigerian state in 2009 essentially
10:43
offered the militants a broad based amnesty
10:46
called the Presidential Amnesty Program.
10:49
And kind of in tandem with
10:51
that, with the amnesty, which promised, you know,
10:54
that if the militants laid down their weapons, they'd
10:56
receive stuff like job training, they'd receive
10:59
opportunities to kind of work in the oil industry
11:01
and stuff. And kind of a big component of that,
11:03
not technically part of the amnesty, but that was
11:06
happening concurrently, was
11:08
this effort to essentially
11:10
to start giving out security contracts to the
11:12
militants. So essentially the militants went
11:15
from blowing up the pipelines to being paid
11:17
to protect those same pipelines. And so
11:19
since 2009, that's kind of the
11:21
period we've been in, where, you
11:23
know, nominally, there's no insurgency in
11:25
the Niger Delta. And Nigerians will
11:28
speak broadly of kind of ex militants.
11:30
So these big figures down there, you know, they'll say like,
11:32
oh, they're ex militants, as in, you know, to
11:34
suggest that they're not currently involved in militancy.
11:37
They've taken an amnesty, they work with the government and
11:39
all that stuff. But
11:42
as anyone from the Delta can tell you, and you know, what you found, what
11:45
you find, or what I found when I went to the region
11:48
is that there's still a lot of criminal violence happening. There's
11:51
kind of a lot of jockeying for influence between
11:54
these different outfits, these different
11:56
militant groups and criminal groups and stuff that
11:58
are involved in that. and
12:01
they're involved in different trades, including
12:04
the oil bunkering. So that's like siphoning
12:06
oil directly from the pipelines, refining
12:09
artisanal oil and stuff, or sorry, artisanally
12:12
refining oil from the pipelines to turn
12:14
it into diesel or other products that they can sell in
12:16
the black market. And then stuff like kidnapping
12:18
for ransom, high seas piracy. So
12:21
today the Niger Delta is still very much kind
12:23
of a hotbed of criminal violence
12:25
and insecurity, but it's got these added dimensions
12:28
of, there's a lot of kind of alternating
12:31
cooperation and
12:33
clashing between different militants in the States.
12:36
So it's quite a complex environment.
12:39
Yeah, I hope that provides a kind of general overview.
12:42
Definitely. I'm imagining the
12:44
oil contracts given to the various
12:46
militant groups were not given out equally,
12:49
which is probably a part of the tension. Yeah,
12:51
definitely. Definitely. And so,
12:54
and you've kind of seen that like, some
12:56
of these big, the hierarchies
12:58
of these different militant groups are actually
13:00
a whole kind of interesting subject
13:03
to study on their own, because kind of like
13:05
with some of these other criminal militants in Nigeria,
13:08
like I've done a lot of research on these bandit
13:10
warlords in the Northwest who operate
13:12
somewhat similarly, but you'll often
13:14
have these kind of lower level commanders that have
13:16
a lot of autonomy and stuff, but they're kind
13:19
of, they pay homage
13:21
in the Nigerian parlance to these more like senior
13:24
figures that are kind of the big names
13:27
and the figureheads to some extent, the
13:30
kingpins of the Niger Delta
13:32
insurgency. And so you definitely
13:34
have a lot of competition both at the lower levels
13:37
between some of these groups about like,
13:39
who gets to be within X or
13:43
some specific general's kind of umbrella,
13:46
but then you also have that fighting between
13:48
the generals and stuff. And sometimes
13:50
it takes the form of kind of political
13:53
lobbying. We've actually seen a bunch of that recently
13:56
since the new president came in, with
13:59
one... militants in particular is kind of
14:01
close to the president has been you know the reports
14:03
are he's been lobbying for his own his
14:05
own people to get some surveillance contracts because
14:07
arrival got the lion's share of them last
14:10
year but then it can also play out
14:12
violently on the ground as you suggest.
14:15
I remember first reading about the Niger
14:18
Delta Avengers and the imagery
14:20
was insane these big henchthorff
14:23
like muscly guys
14:24
with like they're wearing like bandoliers
14:27
of bullets they're riding up and down
14:29
the the rivers and the coast with
14:32
serious like PKM machine
14:34
guns on a boat like it was the maddest
14:37
thing that at the time when I was looking
14:39
into it was like one of the main militias what's
14:42
the status of them now and are they even
14:44
like a main player? Yeah so the Niger
14:46
Delta Avengers were kind of talked about
14:49
in the same way or to some extent
14:51
as kind of like you know the mend
14:53
which was this this earlier manifestation in 2005-2006
14:55
where you know the the Avengers are kind of seen
15:00
as like almost like the Avengers in you
15:02
know the Marvel Universe or whatever where it's like
15:05
a I mean if I'm remembering the
15:07
movies correctly and to be honest I've never been a huge
15:09
fan but I never seen him I don't know
15:11
yeah right that's fair enough but I
15:14
think like it kind of starts with like an ad-hoc coalition
15:16
right it's like different superheroes joining together
15:18
and then they become a team to fight the bad
15:20
guys or whatever I think it was kind of similar
15:22
with the Niger Delta Avengers where it was never like
15:25
kind of a rigid kind of coherent
15:28
insurgent movement where you had you know the top
15:30
commander and then his lieutenants and a very clear chain
15:32
of command it was more kind of again like
15:34
an umbrella group and you know it's
15:37
these these movements whether it's men or it was
15:39
the Niger Delta Avengers which was announced during
15:41
the Buhari administration they're
15:44
kind of these these groups are typically announced
15:47
kind of to signal when there's
15:49
kind of a general consensus of you
15:52
know dissatisfaction among a
15:55
lot of the key militant actors with the status
15:57
quo one way or another they
15:59
kind of they'll announce
16:01
these new movements to show a unified front.
16:04
So part of it is kind of like a form of intimidation
16:07
or signaling to the government essentially
16:10
that, hey, the
16:12
government has almost used this approach of
16:14
divide and rule, especially since 2009
16:17
with the amnesty and the contracts and stuff. And
16:19
that's not been too difficult because, again, there's always
16:21
been this competition between the different
16:24
kind of social groups and the social elites
16:27
in the delta, and that includes what
16:29
they call the generals or the warlords down there of
16:32
the different groups. So it's kind
16:34
of, from time to time, the
16:36
different groups will kind of band together to kind of
16:39
send a signal to the state, which is like, hey, just
16:42
because you think you're divided and that we're all happy
16:44
just getting our little nibbling
16:46
on the crumbs or whatever, doesn't
16:48
mean that you can rest easy because actually if we
16:51
team up and kind
16:53
of almost like form a proper insurgency,
16:55
right, then we're going to be able, you know, we're going to do all
16:57
these horrible things and threaten the
16:59
Nigerian economy and then to some extent the
17:01
existence of the Nigerian state. So
17:04
it's kind of like a way – I see groups like the
17:06
Niger Delta Avengers. There was another
17:08
one that was announced shortly before the
17:10
elections this year in 2023 called
17:13
the Force of Igbezu. They often –
17:15
Igbezu is this kind of like traditional spirit
17:18
kind of deity within the Ija
17:20
people and the delta. So
17:23
sometimes they'll often use these concepts
17:27
and these kind of like the traditional religion, if you
17:29
will, to kind of – you
17:32
know, to mark their insurgency
17:34
in a sense. And so like there was
17:36
another force that was announced earlier this year where, again,
17:39
it's not necessarily – it
17:41
doesn't mean that the – all the different militant groups are
17:43
now like banding together under one single commander.
17:46
It's more, I think, a way of kind of signaling to the
17:48
government that, hey, we can cooperate
17:51
amongst ourselves when we need to and that's a problem
17:53
for you guys. So, you know, you better come to
17:55
the table and we need to renegotiate some
17:57
terms. What's the main tension there?
18:00
right now in the Niger Delta? Yeah, so I
18:02
think when, I mean,
18:04
there are a couple of ways to look at it, right? Like, you know, there's
18:06
tension between the militant groups. There's kind of larger
18:09
questions about, you know,
18:11
the Nigerian government, the new administration
18:13
and stuff, and what policy they're gonna take
18:15
to the Delta. I think I'll
18:18
kind of table that for now. I think one
18:20
of the really interesting issues that I
18:22
was kind of went to the Delta to investigate
18:25
last year, and I think it's still very much a relevant
18:28
issue is kind of this trade-off
18:31
between oil bunkering
18:33
and other forms of militancy or criminality.
18:36
So to get back to what
18:38
I was saying earlier, oil bunkering is a term that,
18:41
you know, that just refers to kind of stealing the oil
18:43
right out of the pipelines, right? And that's been something that's
18:45
been happening for decades in the Niger Delta.
18:49
But in recent years, what's changed is that,
18:51
to some extent, both the local militants,
18:54
but also a lot of kind of local community members,
18:56
have gotten a lot better at not
18:58
just stealing the oil, the crude oil out of the
19:00
pipeline, and selling it on the international
19:03
black market, but also refining
19:05
that oil themselves in these kind of
19:08
improvised, cherry-rigged
19:10
kind of refineries that they build deep in the
19:13
creeks, or the jungles, or whatever. And some
19:15
of them, I mean, some of them are pretty big and impressive,
19:17
right? And so this gets into a whole thing about how,
19:19
you know, there's no way you can hide some
19:22
of these refineries from the authorities. So there's an element
19:24
of corruption here where certain bunkers
19:26
are paying off certain politicians or security officials
19:29
and stuff to be able to do their operation.
19:31
But essentially, they've got these big refineries
19:34
that they have in the jungle, and essentially they're taking
19:36
the stolen crude oil and they're turning it into diesel,
19:38
they're turning it into kerosene, they're turning
19:40
it into gasoline, and then they're selling
19:42
it either within Nigeria or
19:45
on the regional markets to fill
19:47
a genuine demand from
19:49
the consumers. Who are they selling it
19:51
to? Well, that's the thing. I mean, they sell it.
19:54
It's sold locally, so it gets it very
19:57
quickly actually gets mixed into the
19:59
kind of... illicit supply chain, so to
20:01
speak. You know,
20:03
so that's both within Nigeria, within the delta.
20:06
But then also, like, partially because
20:08
up until this new president came into office,
20:11
Nigeria had very heavily subsidized oil,
20:14
and the new presidents tried to remove that subsidy.
20:16
So there's been a bit of back and forth. We'll get
20:18
into that now. But because
20:21
Nigeria has subsidized oil so heavily, what
20:23
that means is that neighboring countries like
20:25
in the East, Cameroon, and the West, it's Benin,
20:27
to the north, it's Niger, even though
20:29
those countries don't have fuel subsidies, what
20:32
people will do is people from those countries
20:34
will cross into Nigeria, buy Nigerian
20:37
oil on the cheap, and then smuggle
20:39
it out of Nigeria into their own countries. And
20:41
then in effect, that extends the subsidy
20:43
because then they're able to sell that oil at a lower rate,
20:46
you know, within their own countries.
20:49
So you have this complex interplay where, you
20:51
know, between the fuel subsidy and just the rampant
20:53
oil bunkering and stuff, there's actually
20:56
like, it's very hard to tell how much of the oil
20:58
within, at least when you're talking about
21:00
like kerosene and diesel and stuff, you
21:03
know, that how much of that is actually like listed, you
21:06
know, as opposed to being produced
21:08
locally or illegally. Because
21:11
as I said, the Nigerian government doesn't have any functioning
21:13
refineries at the moment. And
21:15
so as a result, you know, they're importing,
21:18
you know, refined gasoline and stuff, they
21:20
import some kerosene, or
21:23
actually, I think it's more diesel that they import not as much
21:25
kerosene. But anyways, the imported
21:27
listed stuff gets very quickly mixed with the
21:29
illegal stuff. And then even
21:32
like the the excess, the
21:34
excess waste from the bunkering. When
21:36
I was down in the Delta, they were saying that like some of the tar
21:39
that they make from the bunkering can actually be used
21:41
for you know, local, it's
21:43
used by like local mechanics and stuff, because
21:46
they can use it as lubricants in their engines, you
21:48
know, when they're fixing cars or whatever. That's
21:50
not to say there's not a lot of waste, actually, one of the big problems
21:52
with bunkering is that it's, you know,
21:55
really creates a mess environmentally, because they do waste
21:58
a lot of this kind of the the
22:01
you know excess the
22:03
product that they that comes out
22:05
of it. So yeah I'll just say
22:07
it gets mixed into the local market pretty pretty
22:09
quickly. There is an element there's a transnational
22:12
element as well where you do have these big tankers
22:14
that will come in and take you know
22:17
they'll just take the crude oil that's been siphoned
22:20
off you know by the militants or you know whoever
22:23
and they'll just they'll go out and
22:25
import that and that's
22:27
a really big business and that's one that has to have
22:30
you know pretty significant collusion from at least
22:32
middle excuse me at least mid-level
22:35
officials if not more senior ones because
22:37
essentially I mean and I interviewed people involved in
22:39
that trade and they talked about yeah you
22:41
know we have guys in customs guys and immigration
22:44
you know guys in the governor's office all that
22:46
stuff they're all in on the cut so essentially
22:49
you know the the big tanker will come in it'll
22:51
dock at like the you know will dock at the main
22:53
port but then in take instead of taking
22:56
the fuel directly from you know say
22:58
the the shell pipeline or whatever it'll
23:00
just take it from our guys and
23:02
then we'll give them papers you know our
23:05
guy in customs will give them papers saying that yeah
23:07
this you know this this this
23:09
oil is is is licit right
23:11
it's it's legit or whatever and it takes
23:14
like real investigations or efforts from the authorities
23:16
to kind of stop all these tankers and look
23:18
at the look at the manifest and stuff and
23:20
put two and two together and realize that actually you
23:23
know you're taking oil that we don't
23:25
have logged on on our end as
23:27
having been exported so it's it's
23:30
it's pretty high reaching or far reaching
23:32
I should say in terms of where it goes
23:35
but yeah I mean to get back to my original point so
23:38
this whole you know this bunkering enterprise
23:40
and an artisanal refining it's
23:43
it's a real I mean it's a real economic boon
23:45
to some of the people involved in it
23:48
and that includes a lot of militants you know
23:50
pretty much all the militants and that includes some
23:52
of the pirate gangs the cultists etc they're
23:54
all deep into bunkering they're making money off of
23:56
this and stuff but also a lot of kind of
23:59
you know community members members, right, who have
24:01
turned to this because it's
24:03
an easy way to make money. They see this,
24:06
you know, they see the oil in the pipelines
24:08
as their own oil, right? That's the one thing that they said
24:10
again and again when I was interviewing these bunkers, they
24:12
say, you know, this oil comes from our land, this
24:14
is our land for the indigenous people
24:17
of the Delta. So like, we're not stealing it, we're
24:19
just taking from what's
24:22
our own. I think one quote
24:25
that I have in an article that I wrote on this from one
24:27
bunker was like, you know, we call it drinking
24:29
from our own well, right? So they're
24:32
taking the oil and then, you know,
24:34
in the absence of kind of better jobs and economic
24:36
opportunities in the region and stuff, you
24:39
have a lot of people, I mean, I've interviewed, you
24:41
know, single mothers, unemployed university
24:43
graduates, like kind of a wide
24:45
range of people who actually become involved in this bunkering
24:48
enterprise. But I think
24:50
in terms of that, your first question about like the
24:52
tension, what's relevant is that the militants
24:55
are getting pretty rich from bunkering. They're
24:58
doing that in collusion with different state actors and
25:00
stuff. But so what that, you
25:02
know, kind of a
25:05
an interesting kind of corollary of that, if
25:07
you will, is that the militants
25:09
actually in some cases, they're
25:12
not engaged in as much of the violent activity
25:14
as they used to be engaged in. They're not blowing
25:16
up pipelines anymore because they're stealing the oil
25:19
from it and making money off of it. In
25:21
the case of like pirates, and I interviewed
25:23
a couple of them when I was in the Delta, they're
25:25
not engaged in as much of the high seas
25:27
piracy, you know, targeting international cargo
25:30
vessels and kidnapping people for ransom, because
25:32
that's a very high risk, high reward type
25:35
of game, where, you know, there's a real chance
25:37
you can get caught by the Nigerian Navy or other
25:39
stuff. And so, you know, it's
25:41
and, you know, the payouts might
25:43
not even be that great for some of the hostages. Whereas
25:46
if you're involved in bunkering, and you're just like paying
25:48
off the local authorities, you can estimate,
25:51
you know, with with pretty good confidence, I'm going to make
25:53
this much money, you know, over the course of a
25:55
month, and these are going to be my expenses or whatever.
25:58
So, you know, one of the interesting things in
26:00
the Delta, one analogy to think
26:02
of it as kind of like a, you know, a balloon,
26:04
right, where you squeeze in one area, but that air,
26:07
it'll just go into the other side
26:09
of the balloon, right, and then that side will inflate
26:11
more. And I think that to some extent,
26:13
that's been what's happening in recent years, where
26:16
the government kind of touts both
26:19
the amnesty program that it's
26:21
doing, and then also it's kind of security efforts.
26:23
There's a very heavy army and Navy
26:25
and Air Force presence down in the Delta, obviously
26:27
lots of police and other security agencies,
26:30
and they'll say that, you know, these are responsible for reducing
26:33
the levels of violence, and particularly
26:35
on these issues of like piracy. The Navy has
26:38
engaged in a number of new initiatives and gotten new funding
26:40
to do counter-piracy work, so they're very kind
26:42
of, you know, queer or eager to tout
26:45
that. And I think that, you
26:47
know, that push factor, if you
26:49
say, is there, like some of the stuff
26:51
with piracy, and the piracy I interviewed did admit
26:53
that like, yeah, the Navy, the Nigerian Navy's gotten better,
26:56
you know, they're a pain in the ass. We have to deal
26:58
with them, all that stuff. But
27:00
the problem is that like, you're not actually
27:02
stopping the militants from, or the criminals
27:04
from doing criminal stuff, right? They're
27:07
just shifting their focus from a very
27:09
violent form of criminal activity that's
27:12
kind of high-risk, high-reward, to a slightly
27:14
less violent form that's lower
27:17
risk, still pretty high-reward, but that
27:19
is still, you know, completely damaging the Nigerian
27:21
state, right? Because Nigeria to this day, they're
27:24
struggling to meet their OPEC quotas. They're
27:26
not producing, you know, nearly as much oil
27:28
as they aspire to be. This
27:32
is having lots of ramifications for the budget,
27:34
for inflation, for all this stuff. So
27:37
it's kind of like, it's, you know, there's
27:40
almost this uneasy compromise there. And
27:42
one thing talking to the militants, and the cultists
27:45
and pirates, all that stuff, you know, that was very
27:47
clear in the Delta is that, you know,
27:49
they're aware of the leverage they have, right? And
27:52
so what their view is kind of like,
27:54
if the government comes in and tries to, you
27:56
know, mess with this bunkering operation,
27:59
like, look. We've got a good thing going. We're
28:01
not harming anyone by doing this bunkering, which is,
28:04
of course, kind of a lie because beyond the ecological
28:06
damage, there's often actually violent turf
28:08
wars between bunkers over who controls which
28:10
site and stuff. So I don't want I don't mean
28:12
to suggest that bunkering is a victimless crime
28:14
by any means, but the militants kind
28:16
of, you know, they can they can negotiate,
28:19
if you will, with the government by being like, look,
28:22
if you if you want to shut down our bunkering sites,
28:24
we'll just go back to piracy or we'll go
28:26
up to blowing up the pipelines. Right. And
28:28
so you kind of have to let us have this thing
28:31
because this is something that like we're getting rich
28:33
from it. Some of you guys are getting rich from it,
28:35
right, because we're all paying off, you know, military
28:38
officers and politicians. I mean, the politicians,
28:40
this is something that also came through are some of the
28:43
people deepest in bunkering down there, right? They
28:45
finance a lot of the biggest sites. They use
28:47
the funds from bunkering to
28:49
finance their election campaigns and stuff. So
28:52
this is pretty well documented going back to
28:54
like the, you know, the very start of the Fourth Republic,
28:56
Nigeria's kind of resumption of democracy
28:58
in 1999. So
29:01
the there's, you know, there are all these different actors
29:04
involved. And I think that's what makes bunkering
29:06
in particular a very thorny issue, because
29:08
it's like a very delicate equilibrium. And
29:11
if you take a policy that's, you know, too
29:13
much goes too much in one
29:15
direction, it's like that balloon
29:17
analogy, right? You risk just kind of squeezing
29:19
all the pressure into some other some
29:22
other area, some other set of activities that could
29:24
actually be very destabilizing.
29:28
So
29:41
you've got this bunkering
29:43
where they're essentially kind of, well, I guess
29:45
you could say illegally, but it's
29:48
it's it's They're
30:00
taking the oil from
30:02
the land without any kind of official permits
30:05
or whatever and then they're selling that on the black market
30:07
But whereabouts are the like big-time
30:10
oil companies now because I do remember
30:13
Reading years back that the
30:15
Niger Delta Avengers for example had cost
30:18
shell oil like millions and millions
30:20
in oil theft and Stealing from
30:22
the wells and the pipes and stuff. What's
30:25
the situation with that now of the oil companies?
30:28
Are they involved with this like illicit stuff or
30:30
they involved with the government of they left? What's
30:32
the deal? Yeah, I know great question and
30:34
thanks for bringing that back in because you know You can't
30:36
you can't discuss the Niger Delta as if it's just a
30:39
Nigerian dynamic, right? The oil companies here
30:41
are very very heavily involved in everything
30:43
that's happening so essentially
30:45
so on the on the question of bunkering and I
30:47
should add first that There's
30:50
there's a lot of kind of anecdotal evidence
30:52
of officials that certain officials or
30:54
employees of the company being involved in bunkering That's
30:57
not to say that the companies as a whole are because
30:59
it's hurting them But you have that issue as well
31:01
where you know these militants and these bunkers they
31:03
get rich enough They can pay off officials within
31:06
the oil company and especially the lower level guys
31:08
So that actually helps them kind of you
31:11
know engage in this practice So I
31:13
I just want to make that clear that kind of like, you
31:15
know No, no one is innocent when
31:17
it comes to this oil bunkering issue in the Delta kind
31:19
of everyone's got a hand in it But in terms of
31:21
the company's You know broader
31:23
approaches so yeah essentially like during
31:26
the height of the insurgency in the 2000s and
31:28
then again to some extent during the kind of the
31:30
the spike again in like 2016 2015 2016 More
31:36
like 2017. Yeah as well during
31:38
the Niger Delta Avengers stuff You
31:41
had a yeah you had I mean serious
31:43
periods of periods of serious
31:45
losses for the oil companies and stuff and
31:47
so that kind of that uncertainty that threat
31:50
of the insecurity Combined
31:52
with the kind of reputational
31:55
issues that a lot of these companies were having onshore
31:58
In terms of the you know the grievances
32:00
from the communities about the oil spills, a
32:04
lot of the local politics and stuff about
32:07
where pipelines will pass through, which
32:10
local communities get reimbursed
32:13
for either damages from oil spills
32:15
or which local companies get contracts to
32:18
provide pipeline security, all that stuff. It's
32:20
been a real headache for the oil companies. And so
32:23
a lot of them have started moving offshore.
32:25
The international oil companies at least have started
32:28
divesting from their onshore sites and
32:30
selling them to Nigerian energy
32:32
firms, to Nigerian companies in
32:35
favor of going offshore into kind of the
32:37
deep-receipt drilling and stuff. And
32:39
offshore drilling, it's more technology
32:42
and capital intensive. So it's typically
32:44
like it's not the low-hanging fruit. Oil
32:46
companies would prefer to go in and do
32:48
the onshore stuff because that's generally
32:50
easier to extract. So you get a quicker
32:53
return on your investments. So that's why a lot
32:55
of the companies, traditionally in Nigeria, were
32:57
going onshore first. But
32:59
it's gotten to the point where the
33:02
kind of non-technical costs of
33:04
maintaining a presence onshore. So that's again, the security
33:07
costs, the reputational costs, the political costs,
33:09
all that stuff have gotten to the point
33:11
where they outweigh a lot of the returns. And
33:14
so a lot of the interest, and
33:16
there are other dynamics here, I think, to do more with kind
33:18
of the global kind of shift
33:21
in how, or just
33:24
kind of global shifts in like fossil fuel extraction and
33:26
the oil industry that I'm probably, I need
33:28
to refresh myself on that before talking more
33:30
in depth. But I think within the
33:33
Nigerian case, it's very much like a political and security
33:35
issue where because
33:37
of those liabilities, they've decided to kind of do the
33:39
more expensive stuff offshore, but at least there they
33:41
have a bit more protection. And so
33:44
this kind of creates a, or
33:46
I should say it doesn't solve the issue
33:48
though for a lot of the communities in the Delta.
33:51
Because if anything, and kind of what's been surprising
33:53
is that talking to a lot of these community
33:55
members in the Niger Delta who have grievances
33:58
against like Shell or BP, you know. So going
34:00
back decades in many cases to
34:03
the very founding of Nigeria, or
34:06
to Nigeria's independence,
34:08
these deep-seated grievances. Now that
34:10
these international oil companies are leaving and
34:12
they're seeing who's coming in instead, which
34:15
are these Nigerian companies, they're
34:17
like, oh, no, actually we miss the IOCs to
34:19
some extent. That's the international oil companies.
34:22
Because a number of these Nigerian firms are just,
34:26
they're kind of more transparently
34:28
corrupt. They're even more
34:30
negligent in how they manage the pipelines and stuff. You
34:36
have a lot of rumors,
34:38
but it's treated as public knowledge in the delta
34:40
that some companies, even the
34:42
CEO of the company is involved in oil bonkering.
34:45
So he's literally stealing from his own
34:48
shareholders. And
34:50
so you have just a kind of
34:52
an even worse kind
34:55
of a business climate in the area. And
34:58
so I did hear actually a lot of grievances from
35:00
community members in the places I visited
35:03
in two states down there that
35:06
just because the international oil companies have left, actually
35:09
the people that are coming in to fill the
35:11
vacuum are not actually
35:13
any better and in some cases are worse.
35:16
Yeah. And from the research I've
35:18
done
35:19
on this situation in the past,
35:22
I do remember, correct me if I'm wrong, like
35:25
now, but I do remember back then, Shell
35:27
were not necessarily in
35:29
trouble, but were
35:32
suspected of having middlemen
35:34
doing work here and there to make sure they still got
35:37
theirs. Yeah, I mean, it's
35:39
a very seedy business all around. Shell
35:43
has gotten into trouble. There
35:45
are a number of cases pending against them
35:47
and the London court has ruled against them
35:51
in one notable case last year. So
35:53
there's a lot of, that's actually
35:56
one other thing that kind of started to shift in the 2000s where you
35:58
had. You
36:00
have local communities in the Delta who
36:02
kind of realized that they were never going to get justice
36:05
or kind of, you know reparations for
36:08
the environmental damage and then
36:10
you know The kind of different corrupt
36:12
and negligent practices that the IOCs
36:14
have employed in the Delta The
36:16
communities realize they were never going to get that justice within
36:19
the Nigerian justice system Because
36:21
the Nigerian state was too invested
36:24
in the continued You know
36:26
kind of exploitation of Nigerian oil
36:29
by the IOCs and so there's never going
36:31
to be you know They're never going to get a fair trial and stuff.
36:33
So they started going into kind of international courts
36:35
of arbitrage and stuff You
36:37
know places they'd go through like the OSCE
36:40
system in the Hague through courts in London
36:43
That's not an area. I'm not like an international law
36:45
specialist So I can't
36:47
say too much there actually about
36:50
the the ramifications other than that I
36:52
think compared to a decade ago the IOCs
36:54
are also, you know, and certainly
36:56
compared to like 20 years ago They're also more concerned
36:59
about legal liability because some some precedents
37:01
have now been set that they can actually be
37:03
held They can be held liable
37:06
for their actions in Nigeria, you
37:08
know in a in an international court or
37:10
you know In a court in a third party country
37:14
So I think that that you know that on the whole
37:16
these have all all these factors have kind of contributed To
37:19
a poorer investment climate
37:22
So yeah It's you know It's largely the
37:24
Nigerian companies that are coming in
37:26
and buying off these blocks that are being auctioned
37:29
off by the IOCs that like You know
37:31
pretty decent, you know, pretty pretty cut rate Because
37:34
of the all those kind of investment challenges
37:38
You know one dynamic I think that could potentially
37:41
change things quite a bit moving forward is they've
37:43
now Done some successful oil
37:45
exploration in northern Nigeria And
37:47
there's a Chinese company a peristatal that's
37:50
actually very involved in all of that And
37:52
so, you know nothing there's been no serious
37:54
kind of drilling or extraction so far
37:57
But the Nigerian government is kind of talking
37:59
about that that as, oh, this is the next step
38:01
in diversifying our rents and
38:04
our revenues and stuff. And
38:09
I think that could potentially have a very big impact
38:12
moving forward. That combined
38:14
with the IOCs divesting from the onshore
38:17
sites could potentially change dynamics in
38:19
the Niger Delta quite a bit. It's a weird
38:21
situation. You've got this
38:24
black market very much
38:26
involved with one of the most profitable
38:31
companies on earth. It's always been
38:33
a really fascinating place to me, especially
38:35
when you see the makeshift illegal
38:40
refineries. What was
38:42
it like going there? I know it's even to get
38:44
to is pretty hard, right? Yeah. I
38:47
mean, the Niger Delta is, I mean, there
38:49
are flights within Nigeria, right? There are big cities.
38:52
It's not certainly getting to
38:54
the capitals
38:54
and stuff. It's not hard. These
38:58
days they do advise foreigners to avoid
39:00
traveling by road and certainly by creek on
39:04
the waterways just because the rates of kidnapping
39:06
and stuff are so high. So when
39:08
I was doing that, it was definitely
39:11
there are precautions we needed to take. I had to change
39:13
my itinerary once or twice in
39:17
one instance, because one of the guys I was interviewing
39:20
kind of overheard myself talking with
39:22
a colleague about our travel plans for the next
39:24
day. And the guy I was interviewing, despite
39:27
him being very friendly and us sharing a beer during our
39:29
interview, was a cold-blooded
39:31
killer and kidnapper. And very much despite
39:34
his pleasant smile that day, would not have hesitated
39:36
to lay an ambush the next
39:39
day if he knew which road I was traveling
39:41
on. So there was a lot
39:43
of that. I mean, a lot of the logistics. I
39:45
won't get into too much detail, but just
39:47
moving around different areas within
39:50
a given city or within a state.
39:53
Because especially within the Delta as well, against
39:55
so many of these militants are rivals with each other. And
39:58
so it's important that... on
42:00
the rivers these days because we know
42:03
that at this point of the creek, you know, one
42:05
gang territory ends and then the other area,
42:08
you know, there's a zone of five
42:10
kilometers or whatever, a stretch of two kilometers and
42:12
that's like where the pirates operate. And
42:14
so you just don't want to go there because you don't know what
42:17
could happen. So it's definitely
42:19
a volatile environment and, you
42:21
know, whether it's the oil bunkering or the kidnapping
42:23
for ransom and stuff, I mean,
42:26
it all has international ramifications
42:28
and stuff, but, you know, especially
42:30
now that the oil companies and the NGOs
42:33
and stuff, they don't typically keep their expatriate
42:36
workers out in the city, out
42:38
in the communities. You know, those guys live in
42:40
well-guarded compounds in the capital and stuff.
42:43
So it really is. It's the locals bearing
42:45
the brunt, both of the ecological devastation,
42:48
but also the insecurity. And
42:50
I think that's a kind of unfortunate
42:53
and tragic aspect of
42:56
insecurity around Nigeria today.
42:59
This might sound naive, but
43:01
why would they kidnap
43:03
you? Is it because, like, for example,
43:06
I don't know, let me tell myself, if I was there and
43:08
they kidnapped me, no one is paying a
43:10
fucking ransom. You know what I mean? Like no
43:13
one is going to pay a ransom for me. No one,
43:15
you know, no one has that money that I know the government
43:17
is not going to fucking do it. No one in England
43:19
is going to be like, oh yeah, he's caught by this
43:22
militia in the Niger Delta. What
43:24
is it? Is it either attached to something else
43:27
or is it just like a foreigner just
43:29
get any foreigner? I'm finding
43:31
it's like confusing because if they'll interview you,
43:34
but then also kidnap you and trust me, I know
43:36
I've done things like this where it's like, yeah, in any
43:38
other setting you would kill me. But
43:41
you know, it's confusing. What is it they think they're going to
43:43
get? Because surely they're already making a lot of money
43:45
from the oil and you're not exactly an oil
43:47
exec, you know?
43:48
Yeah. Well,
43:49
for starters, don't sell yourself short-shake. You
43:52
know, a lot of us are your admirers. I
43:55
pitched in a couple dollars. My
43:58
Nigerian colleagues even, you know.
43:59
Because
46:01
as we all know in a lot of instances, the
46:03
militants can be wrong, right? I
46:06
mean like some governments – I mean even within – talking
46:09
about Western governments and stuff,
46:11
right? There are some governments that have a very
46:13
strict line like we do not negotiate with terrorists,
46:16
and they really mean that. And there are other governments
46:18
that say we do not negotiate with terrorists, and
46:20
then they frequently negotiate with terrorists to
46:22
pay ransoms to get their citizens out. But
46:24
I think it depends partially
46:26
on the sophistication of the militants
46:28
or criminal group in question about
46:31
whether they really distinguish between the
46:34
different types of foreigners and
46:37
distinguish between those who work for oil companies versus
46:39
those who work for, say, NGOs, which don't
46:42
have the same types of money and I think typically don't
46:44
pay anything like what the oil companies
46:46
pay. So yeah, I
46:48
mean I think it's all very complex, and I
46:51
think there certainly are militants
46:54
and criminal groups in the delta who
46:57
would kind of make that calculation
46:59
that actually adds not in our interest to
47:01
kidnap one type of individual,
47:05
whereas it is in our interest to kidnap
47:07
another type.
47:09
But as a general rule, you just kind of –
47:11
you don't want to roll the dice, right? Yeah, no,
47:13
I wouldn't want to take the risk. Yeah, just like
47:15
I'll be okay. Next thing, I'm dead. Yeah,
47:18
no, definitely not. You certainly don't want to take
47:20
the militants' word for it, right? If
47:22
they say, oh, yeah, that's
47:24
the real risk, and sometimes you have to do
47:26
that, but if you can avoid it. It's
47:28
such a fascinating region. Where is it headed,
47:30
do you think? Where is all
47:33
of this inter – I
47:36
don't want to say gang, but like militia violence
47:38
is happening, but everybody is kind of getting paid.
47:42
The piracy is even stopping, but like you just said,
47:44
it's actually really dangerous and in some
47:46
ways more volatile now. Yeah,
47:48
where do you think this is all headed? Yeah, I mean it's
47:52
tough, and I think that maybe it's –
47:55
the best people to answer that would
47:57
be like the kind of historians
47:59
and the sculptors. from the community who have the benefit
48:01
of having seen how this conflict evolved over three
48:04
decades, right? Whereas I'm relatively
48:06
new to it and I can read the books about what it was like a
48:08
few decades ago, but I think, you
48:10
know, it's for context, but
48:12
to actually predict where it's going, I think it's very tough.
48:15
I mean, in terms of like the more kind of
48:17
near immediate future, like there
48:19
are these rumors going around that the new
48:21
president is seriously considering
48:24
maybe ending like the amnesty
48:26
program and going into more of a,
48:29
you know, this kind of surveillance contract approach,
48:31
right? We're essentially like expanding, like
48:34
expanding the pie, if you will, or like, you know,
48:36
baking a bigger cake for more people to cut into,
48:38
which is kind of not dissimilar to
48:40
how he actually governed when he was previously the governor
48:43
of Lagos, which is the largest state in Nigeria.
48:45
So one possibility is that like the
48:48
Nigerian state kind of does away with some of
48:50
the pretense, like the formal pretense of having
48:52
an amnesty and all that stuff. And it really
48:54
just does become like more of a business
48:57
transaction. And
48:59
that, you know, it's kind
49:01
of hard to say with certainty, like
49:03
how that's going to play out. I think that there's a very high
49:06
risk of a lot of increased violence, at least
49:08
in the near term, where like, if you really do
49:10
have a period where it's like, okay, you
49:12
know, the Nigerian state is now just going to like triple.
49:15
And again, it's not just the state, right? It's
49:17
all complicated because the oil companies,
49:19
you know, are supposed to, they don't necessarily
49:21
pay directly for the surveillance contracts. Now
49:24
it's mostly the NNPC, the Nigerian oil
49:27
corporation that does that, but the oil companies have
49:29
a say in how all this kind of structured. So
49:31
it's, it's, it's kind of a very multi multivariate
49:35
situation. But there's a possibility that it's
49:37
like, okay, the budget for paying off
49:39
militants to guard pipelines is now increasing,
49:41
you know, two folder, three fold. And,
49:44
you know, depending on how that's divvied up
49:46
and stuff, you could have a lot of militants like
49:49
blowing up pipelines to say, okay, well,
49:51
you know, here, we're signaling
49:53
that, you know, you have to take us seriously
49:56
as part of these negotiations, right? Because that's just
49:58
like, that's just kind of refineries
52:00
that are theoretically cheaper to build than
52:03
like the big typical you know refineries
52:05
that you think of that you know you
52:08
have and say like you know in Texas or whatever to actually
52:10
like kind of refine
52:13
you know thousands of barrels of oil a day these
52:15
are hundreds of thousands these are smaller
52:18
refineries that have a smaller output
52:20
but the idea is that if you you
52:22
know if you build enough of those in the nitro delta
52:24
then a lot of the people who are engaged in
52:27
artisanal refining and oil bunkering and all
52:29
that stuff today could then have like
52:31
a more like legitimate Lissett way
52:34
of earning an income they could they could switch to
52:37
like essentially doing what they're doing now but in a way
52:39
that's like regulated by the state and supported by
52:41
the state and so that that reduces
52:43
removes the violent incentives of
52:46
all this stuff right it's not too dissimilar
52:48
to like you know how a lot
52:50
of advocates have said you know in the past I said like
52:52
well legalizing marijuana and other drugs will
52:55
you know turn Mexican marijuana
52:57
and poppy farmers into more legitimate agrarians
53:00
and then that'll help reduce violence in Mexico unfortunately
53:03
to date in Mexico it hasn't really worked that well
53:06
because there are all these other confounding variables
53:08
and you know complex factors and
53:11
in Nigeria like this issue with the modular refineries
53:13
for example there are just a ton of logistical
53:15
challenges there you know Nigeria
53:17
again like it's kind of one of the mind-boggling
53:20
things about the country but despite producing
53:22
so much oil despite having such a large you
53:24
know very talented population and a very
53:27
dynamic economy Nigeria has like one
53:29
of the worst power grids on the planet like
53:31
not a day goes by when I'm in Lagos or Abuja
53:33
where there's not a power outage and so just
53:35
like basic stuff like that like you
53:38
know in some ways you kind of need to fix some of the
53:40
basic problems with the Nigerian
53:42
infrastructure and the Nigerian economy in
53:46
order to be able to then like address some of these issues
53:48
in the Delta and a more sustainable way and
53:51
so until that happens I think we're kind
53:53
of stuck in this this limbo where it's
53:55
kind of this this you know violent
53:58
bargaining or this kind of violent
53:59
equilibrium if you will between the state
54:02
and the non-state actors. Yeah and I
54:04
think as well what you were saying there about
54:06
Legitima isn't it? It's only fair you
54:09
know oil was there and
54:11
then Shell and all these big companies moved in
54:14
and then the militias were like hang on no
54:16
that's our land like we're gonna have it. To
54:18
me I'm kind of like yeah so what? It's like
54:20
yeah of course they they wanted to do that and
54:23
I don't know I can understand that if
54:25
somebody came in my back garden was like yeah sorry
54:28
we're gonna dig everything out of your garden and we're having it. I'd
54:30
be like no you're fucking not. So I
54:32
can kind of like it doesn't feel like ridiculous
54:35
at all that they should then be able
54:37
to get that but I think then
54:39
comes
54:41
who is not involved in the oil situation
54:43
gets what right? Like not
54:45
everybody in that region is a militant
54:48
not everybody is in these makeshift
54:51
oil wells what are the normal
54:54
average person gonna get
54:56
in the in the Niger Delta? Yeah and that's
54:58
I mean honestly like you're kind of really getting
55:01
to the I think the key like the heart
55:03
of one of the key problems in Nigeria not
55:05
just in the Niger Delta but with all these other conflicts
55:07
that you have in the country because honestly
55:10
like the since the country transitioned to democracy
55:12
in 99 you know it's
55:14
just been like one one fire after
55:16
another like each part of the country is experiencing
55:18
a different localized insurgency
55:21
or communal conflict some form of security
55:24
crisis and one of the problems is that
55:26
you know if you come in and you essentially
55:29
like you have these you know what are called these
55:31
like non-kinetic solutions to trying to
55:34
mitigate the violence there and that often involves
55:36
some sort of like disarmament and you
55:38
know demobilization and
55:41
reintegration for the insurgents which
55:43
typically like it has to be supported by the state which
55:45
means that like the state is providing
55:48
you know or maybe the state via NGOs
55:50
and the UN or whatever is like providing
55:52
some sort of a livelihood support jobs training
55:55
stuff like that a stipend to these former
55:57
insurgents and so you know but
55:59
the problem The problem is that people see that,
56:01
right? People in the local community see that and
56:04
they say, well, that's not fair. You're rewarding, you
56:06
know, insurgency. Yeah, you're rewarding
56:08
the bad guys. And then outside
56:11
that local community, right? So when it's happening in the Niger
56:13
Delta, people in Northern Nigeria will
56:15
say, oh, you're rewarding the Southerners
56:17
for being terrorists. And now that it's happening
56:19
now, there's a similar program with Boko Haram, you
56:22
know, fighters of Boko Haram who surrender
56:24
to the government and agree to undergo de-radicalization.
56:27
So now that's happening in the north and people in the south
56:29
are saying, oh, the Nigerian government is,
56:31
you know, encouraging or incentivizing terrorists
56:33
or whatever. And because Nigeria,
56:36
and, you know, this would be a topic
56:38
for, you know, many other recordings and stuff, but
56:42
there's a very complex and fragile social fabric
56:44
there, right? There's a long history of kind of mistrust
56:47
or tension, kind of has ebbed and flowed
56:49
over time, but between the different regions, between
56:51
the different ethnic groups, between, you know, different religions
56:54
and stuff in the country. And so
56:57
when you have this kind of approach to,
57:00
you know, again, that non-kinetic approach, which I think
57:02
in many instances is in fact the most effective.
57:05
But the problem is that, like, it would be great
57:08
if you could just do that in isolation and
57:11
just, you know, take care of the former militants
57:13
and, you know, give them what they need to get back on their feet
57:15
and to ensure that they're not going to become militants again
57:17
and like do it in secret from
57:20
the rest of the communities so they don't see what's happening
57:22
and then everyone's just living together hunky dory. And
57:25
then, you know, to say nothing of the rest of the country,
57:27
but that's not what happens, right? People
57:30
see how militants are treated in one region when they
57:32
surrender and they agree to a certain amnesty. And
57:35
then that, you know, kind of
57:37
influences public opinion and maybe even
57:39
to some extent, I mean, this is kind of an area
57:41
of my ongoing research. Maybe that also incentivizes
57:44
the militants in other regions to think, oh, well,
57:47
if we pick up guns, you know, then the
57:50
then we'll get something out of the state or whatever.
57:52
Right, we might end up with legitimate oil jobs. Yeah,
57:55
exactly. So it's a very complex
57:58
kind of it's a very complex. situation.
58:00
And again, I mean, like, there's no,
58:03
you know, there's no silver bullet. And I think that when
58:05
you're dealing with these, you
58:07
know, the kind of the too bad
58:09
options, right, it's like the lesser of two evils
58:12
approaches. I think that very
58:14
often, like the non kinetic approach for
58:16
all that's many flaws, I think does
58:18
hold a bit more promise in some instances, just
58:20
because, you know,
58:23
killing your way out of these insurgencies is
58:25
incredibly tough. And I
58:27
don't say that, like, as kind of some, you
58:29
know, principle pacifist or whatever, like, I
58:31
think that very often you need to tailor military
58:34
operations with the non kinetic approaches. But
58:36
like, I just struggle to think of, you know,
58:38
many insurgencies
58:40
recently in Nigeria or elsewhere, where,
58:43
you know, kind of there's been real sustainable
58:46
success, because it's like, oh, we just came in and killed
58:48
all the bad guys. Yeah, never works. It
58:50
just makes more military. Exactly. That's
58:52
not. And so it's, it's kind of just a question
58:55
of, you know, again, I mean, to
58:57
overuse that balloon analogy, it's like, yeah,
58:59
I mean, maybe maybe they buy stability
59:01
in the Niger Delta for a bit. But like that,
59:04
you know, that kind of that negative
59:07
energy, for lack of a better word, right, that
59:09
like that kind of, you
59:11
know, the the the capacity for violence
59:13
or whatever is just kind of redirected somewhere
59:16
else. And so,
59:18
yeah, I mean, it's it's tough,
59:20
because you can't you can't address like, just
59:23
you can't address the local issues without dealing
59:26
with this kind of broader national
59:28
issues of infrastructure and political economy
59:30
and all that stuff, and even to an extent nation
59:33
building. But also like to focus
59:35
just on these big lofty ideas of like, oh,
59:37
we're going to make Nigeria into this great prosperous
59:39
nation, if you're not paying attention to the particulars
59:42
on the ground and stuff, and you're designing
59:44
all of your your policies and Abuja, you
59:46
know, the capital or whatever, worse yet,
59:49
if you have the donors and Brussels and London and
59:51
Washington designing the policies for you, which,
59:53
you know, a lot of African governments, I think, frankly
59:55
fall into that issue, then, you know,
59:58
it's not going to be attuned to the local realities.
59:59
and that's going to cause its own
1:00:02
set of problems. So
1:00:04
I know I'm all over the place, but I'm just super interested
1:00:06
in this whole region. I just remembered you were
1:00:08
talking earlier a little bit about the cultists.
1:00:12
Can you talk a little bit more about that? Yeah.
1:00:15
Yeah, I mean, it's never been like a kind
1:00:18
of a principal focus of my work.
1:00:21
I'd love to kind of have the time to dig into
1:00:23
this and look at the history and trajectory and stuff.
1:00:26
But yeah, I mean, generally speaking, so
1:00:29
these were groups that kind of formed as
1:00:31
like, yeah, university
1:00:33
confraternities in, you know, particularly
1:00:35
in the 1970s and 1980s, right? So
1:00:37
like Nigeria at the time of independence, they
1:00:39
only had one college that was actually
1:00:42
like, you know, credited as
1:00:44
a full university able to, you
1:00:46
know, provide advanced degrees and stuff. So
1:00:49
the 1960s and 70s saw the expansion of higher
1:00:51
education in Nigeria where the newly independent
1:00:54
Nigerian state was actually establishing all
1:00:56
these universities because of course, under British colonialism,
1:00:58
you know, the British hadn't really wanted too many
1:01:00
Nigerians to be educated. So
1:01:03
there weren't that many universities
1:01:05
in the country. So as universities
1:01:07
kind of spread in the 70s and 80s and stuff, they,
1:01:10
you know, at the same time that there was
1:01:12
kind of like a lot of pan-Africanist sentiments
1:01:14
and stuff going around the continents
1:01:17
and then also within Nigeria, a good bit of political
1:01:19
turbulence, these kind of fraternities
1:01:22
were founded by, you know, typically young
1:01:24
men, often with kind of like
1:01:28
invoking kind of aspects of traditional religion
1:01:30
and stuff. And then also
1:01:33
in kind of this ethos of like pan-Africanism
1:01:35
and to some extent political activism. And
1:01:38
so you had a lot of the big kind of infamous
1:01:40
cults today were actually kind of formed
1:01:42
as that, right? So they're not
1:01:45
just like fraternities in the sense that
1:01:48
like a lot of American university fraternities
1:01:51
are essentially just like glorified drinking clubs, right?
1:01:54
They had like a bit more of like a political agenda
1:01:56
or at least a political leaning, though I think it varied
1:01:58
from some fraternities. to another. But
1:02:01
then kind of as a result
1:02:03
of the political tumult in the 70s and 80s into
1:02:05
the 90s, and then I also
1:02:07
think as a result of kind of the state
1:02:09
of Nigerian, the public education
1:02:12
declining with kind of structural
1:02:14
adjustment and you know, less funds going into the universities
1:02:16
and stuff, a lot of these
1:02:19
a lot of these cults kind of became involved
1:02:21
in like local criminal activities. And
1:02:24
then certainly when you had the the
1:02:27
transition to democracy in 1999, you had politicians, and
1:02:31
this is this was mostly in southern Nigeria,
1:02:33
more southern northern Nigeria, and even
1:02:35
within the south, like certain states and certain universities
1:02:38
have reputations for being real hotbeds of cultism.
1:02:42
But essentially, then you also had these like politicians
1:02:44
kind of using these like young
1:02:46
men who are typically, you know,
1:02:48
underemployed, a lot of them would be coming
1:02:51
from kind of like the rural areas
1:02:53
outside of the capital into the larger cities
1:02:55
to study for universities. So they wouldn't necessarily
1:02:58
have kind
1:03:00
of like existing social networks in the city. So
1:03:02
they would be very kind of, you know, they joined
1:03:04
these groups like these fraternities, because that's where they'd find
1:03:07
their like kind of kinship and their social safety
1:03:09
net to some extent. But you know, when you had
1:03:11
these fraternities kind of involved in local criminal
1:03:13
activities, and then you had these
1:03:16
politicians, what are often referred to as like godfathers
1:03:19
in Nigerian parlance, who are kind
1:03:21
of these these men who, you know, if they're not running
1:03:23
for office themselves, they're bankrolling
1:03:25
their own guy to like run for office so that
1:03:27
he can then, you know, be kind
1:03:30
of like be a client to the godfather. And you
1:03:32
know, the godfather can be pulling the strings behind the scenes
1:03:34
quite like Western democracy, actually. Yeah,
1:03:37
I mean, that's, that's, that's
1:03:39
a whole new put it lobbying. Right. So
1:03:42
there's a, you know, so you have, so
1:03:45
you have these kind of like some of these cults getting drawn
1:03:47
into more of like, the political side of
1:03:49
things. So in a number of like elections
1:03:52
in Nigeria, and in some
1:03:54
states, including in the Delta, and I
1:03:56
heard this from the cultists themselves, you
1:03:59
know, that like, oh, So election season, we're always
1:04:01
excited about election season. It's really lucrative
1:04:03
because we're going to get, essentially,
1:04:06
we're going to get gigs from one politician
1:04:09
or another, right? Depending on which cult you're in, it's
1:04:11
like you have that existing
1:04:13
relationship with one political party or one politician.
1:04:16
And essentially, we get paid by the politician
1:04:19
to violently disrupt rallies, to
1:04:21
maybe throw some bricks or
1:04:24
some fire bombs into the, through
1:04:26
the windows of the rival political office or
1:04:28
maybe to even engage in assassinations of
1:04:31
political candidates and stuff. So
1:04:34
yeah, and the other thing about these cults is that they've
1:04:36
become kind of a very, they've
1:04:39
actually become very transnational, international
1:04:41
in recent years. Because
1:04:44
as the kind of Nigerian diaspora has grown
1:04:46
with kind of larger ways
1:04:48
of Nigerian migration, and
1:04:51
especially, you know, it's typically, you
1:04:53
know, certainly not always, it's
1:04:55
typically slightly better educated
1:04:58
Nigerians, you know, those with university degrees
1:05:00
who are migrating abroad. And
1:05:02
so a small number of them in like,
1:05:05
you know, whether it's going to the US or, you know,
1:05:07
places like Italy or the Netherlands, or England
1:05:10
have been have kind of been involved in these cults.
1:05:13
And when they get to, you know, when they get to Europe,
1:05:15
or when they get to the US or Southeast Asia or whatever,
1:05:18
you know, then they kind of, they become like
1:05:21
the, the consigliere,
1:05:23
if you will, for the for that cult in
1:05:25
that part of the world. And so they become engaged
1:05:27
with, you know, local, whether it's drug trafficking,
1:05:30
or internet scams, prostitution,
1:05:32
human trafficking, you know, all that
1:05:34
stuff. So there's actually
1:05:37
a very good BBC documentary
1:05:40
about one particular cult called black
1:05:42
acts. I recommend everyone watch
1:05:45
it. And it's from BBC
1:05:47
Africa. I, a lot of it was actually filmed
1:05:49
near the University of Lagos. And
1:05:51
about you know, cults that have historically
1:05:54
operated on that campus, which is where I've been
1:05:56
based. And there,
1:05:58
you know, one of the interesting things about black is that
1:06:00
like they there was some
1:06:02
interval operation a year or two ago where like
1:06:04
essentially they rounded up 50 you
1:06:06
know 50 of these guys that were in countries from
1:06:09
like Mexico to Malaysia
1:06:11
to you know, Denmark to
1:06:13
Russia and stuff. I mean they really it's you
1:06:15
know it's just often one or two guys, but
1:06:17
um, they're uh, they're you know
1:06:19
all over the world and so they're involved in some of
1:06:21
these these criminal activities, um
1:06:25
And uh and that again and that actually
1:06:27
I mean beyond the the individual harm that
1:06:29
those cultists do when they're overseas
1:06:31
it actually It creates
1:06:34
tremendous headaches and real challenges
1:06:36
for the um, you know, the thousands of of
1:06:39
very well-meaning Nigerians
1:06:41
who are trying to immigrate to those countries and I you
1:06:43
know, I speak from personal experience with you know friends
1:06:46
and my partner and stuff like trying to deal with visa
1:06:49
stuff where um You
1:06:51
know in countries that have had issues with like the
1:06:53
the cultists or the the internet scammers and
1:06:55
stuff It's just like there all these other hoops you
1:06:57
have to to jump through to you know
1:06:59
prove that you're not going to engage in any sort of uh
1:07:02
nasty nasty activity while you're
1:07:04
overseas
1:07:05
so it's um
1:07:06
Yeah, anyways, that's that's kind of a long uh
1:07:09
open-ended Response,
1:07:11
but I think the the subject of cults should
1:07:13
be you you you should you should reach
1:07:16
out to another kind of
1:07:17
expert on those and and maybe kind
1:07:19
of fill you in on that because that that's a fascinating topic
1:07:21
in its own right right and They're not like from
1:07:24
what i'm understanding them. It's not like cults as
1:07:26
in the way we might see them in the west It's
1:07:29
more of just a fraternity with
1:07:31
that name like they're not doing rituals or anything
1:07:33
like that or they are I don't know All right.
1:07:35
No, actually most of them do um, but
1:07:37
I do it's the same thing I mean again, you
1:07:39
know, you're british. So you you didn't have
1:07:41
to go through the the craziness of american fraternities.
1:07:44
Um, no Yeah, it's really really
1:07:47
you got yo they do
1:07:49
They like drown people and shit, right
1:07:51
like kick the shit out of people. Yeah Some
1:07:54
of them aren't that bad, but certainly there there are enough
1:07:56
of them that have that like stereotypical
1:07:59
You know that there are enough of them that kind of fit
1:08:01
the bill to kind of perpetuate
1:08:03
that stereotype. But you know,
1:08:05
like the, you know, American fraternities,
1:08:07
right, they were also formed as
1:08:09
secret societies, right? Same thing as like the
1:08:11
Freemasons or whatever. I mean, like the
1:08:13
Freemasons today, they still exist in
1:08:16
the US. I'm not a Freemason,
1:08:18
so I don't know, but I'm like pretty confident
1:08:20
that they're not actually doing all this like crazy
1:08:22
conspiratorial stuff that you might read about
1:08:25
on the internet. I really think it's just like a
1:08:27
social club for adults, but they still
1:08:29
have these like, you know, secret rituals and stuff.
1:08:31
And same thing like most fraternities, most
1:08:33
guys just joined because like, you know, they want to drink
1:08:36
and, you know, hook up with girls and stuff.
1:08:38
But there's still this element of like, you know,
1:08:40
the brotherhood and the secret rituals to
1:08:42
enforce all that. So
1:08:45
like the Nigerian cults, like, especially
1:08:47
like, they really are doing like
1:08:50
secret conspiratorial stuff now, right? Like most
1:08:52
of them are actually involved in criminal violence
1:08:55
and in criminal conspiracies, you know, in some
1:08:57
instances, colluding with working
1:08:59
with like very senior Nigerian political figures.
1:09:02
And so like they really
1:09:04
do take like oaths of secrecy and stuff very
1:09:06
seriously. That's why something like the BBC
1:09:08
Africa eye documentary
1:09:12
is, is notable because it's like, it's not necessarily
1:09:14
easy to get access to like these cult meetings
1:09:16
or whatever. And when I've interviewed
1:09:19
cultists, you know, it's not been like in
1:09:21
their, you know, secret trine or whatever,
1:09:23
it's, it's, you know, been interviewing them one on
1:09:25
one or whatever. So
1:09:27
yeah, I mean, there's, they
1:09:29
do actually engage in a lot of these secret rituals,
1:09:32
some of them, you know,
1:09:35
are more kind of violent than others.
1:09:38
It can sometimes be hard to know, because there's so much
1:09:40
like rumor. So it's hard to know, like, you
1:09:42
know, how much is sensationalized? Like, does this cult
1:09:44
really actually like, you know, perform
1:09:47
cannibalism as part of the initiation? Okay,
1:09:49
maybe not. And then in other instances, it's like, oh,
1:09:52
no, like, you actually have a detailed police
1:09:54
report showing that yeah, these, you
1:09:56
know, so some of some of them are really,
1:09:58
you know, do some pretty bonkers
1:10:00
stuff. So I don't mean to downplay
1:10:03
that. I just think that their
1:10:05
trajectory is interesting from kind of
1:10:07
emerging as more of like an activist movement
1:10:10
into
1:10:10
more of a criminal underworld. I
1:10:14
just put in quickly in the Google about
1:10:17
the cults and there's this guy, a techie
1:10:20
Tom, King a techie Tom. You
1:10:22
know this guy, his Royal Majesty. Yeah,
1:10:25
and I'm looking at his Insta and
1:10:27
I mean, the Royal family in England doesn't
1:10:30
have this much like gold chairs and plates
1:10:32
and stuff. Yeah, this looks
1:10:34
high end cult, definitely. Yeah,
1:10:36
well, and it's interesting you mentioned him because he's actually
1:10:39
one of the big players in the Niger Delta conflict as
1:10:41
well. And so I take
1:10:43
it Tom was, yeah, he's a longstanding
1:10:45
kind of cultist or, you know, at least
1:10:48
by allegation, I don't think he's ever fessed up
1:10:50
to his, you know, original cult ties,
1:10:54
but he was actually someone who like when the Niger
1:10:56
Delta conflict was kicking off, he
1:10:58
formed what was called the Niger Delta vigilantes.
1:11:00
And so his like militia outfit,
1:11:03
you know, they claimed to be, you
1:11:05
know, providing protection to the local people
1:11:08
from the militants, from the pirates and all that stuff.
1:11:10
You talk to a lot of people from Ocrica, you know, from his
1:11:13
area, they'll say, actually, they were engaged in all
1:11:15
the criminal activities that they claimed to be
1:11:17
fighting against. And they were also kind
1:11:19
of co-opted by local politicians
1:11:21
and, you know, so they kind of,
1:11:24
they were very much part of that dynamic of like the
1:11:26
gray zone of criminality. But
1:11:29
I take it Tom's interesting, cause like he kind of, he
1:11:31
positions himself as, you
1:11:33
know, one of the big militants,
1:11:36
because the militants, at least in the Niger
1:11:38
Delta are kind of, you know, they're talked
1:11:40
about, I think, it's probably
1:11:42
safe to say, like a decent portion of the population
1:11:45
kind of sees the militants, even if they don't always agree
1:11:47
with the tactics, they'll see the militants as like, primarily
1:11:50
being driven by grievance and like actually
1:11:53
trying to address or like redress
1:11:55
real wrongs and injustices. And
1:11:58
the militant- That makes sense. Yeah. The militants
1:12:00
themselves certainly position themselves, they won't
1:12:02
say, you know, we're militants, they'll say we're freedom
1:12:04
fighters, right? We're fighting for the Delta people.
1:12:07
And so like, Ateke Tom will position
1:12:09
himself as like one of the militants, one of those like freedom
1:12:11
fighters, but a lot of his kind
1:12:14
of adversaries will say like, no, no, no,
1:12:16
he's not a militant, like he's a cultist.
1:12:19
I was interviewing one, you know, once
1:12:22
a militants for this, you know, an Atra
1:12:24
Delta expose I did last year. And when
1:12:26
I mentioned Ateke Tom in like the same breath
1:12:29
as a bunch of other militants, and the guy cut
1:12:31
me off and he's like, no, no, no, Ateke Tom's not a militant,
1:12:33
he's a cultist, right? Like he's
1:12:35
a step below us, he's a criminal. He
1:12:38
didn't, he never purported to fight for, you
1:12:41
know, for the actual like people of the Niger Delta.
1:12:44
Yeah, I mean, there's a lot, you know, I don't, I haven't done
1:12:46
like deep biographies on all these individual
1:12:48
guys. So I'm not gonna weigh in on the specific
1:12:51
accusations or counter accusations, but it
1:12:53
is interesting how the different
1:12:56
labels kind of carry different connotations and
1:12:58
carry different weight within the Delta and
1:13:00
outside the Delta. Yeah, no, it's so
1:13:03
interesting. I
1:13:05
wanna meet Ateke Tom, this guy
1:13:07
looks just, I love his
1:13:09
crown and stuff, man. Yeah,
1:13:11
it's a mad situation out there. Is
1:13:14
there any sign that the
1:13:18
incoming government or whatever is
1:13:20
like particularly focused on this region?
1:13:23
To be honest, you know, I don't think
1:13:25
that this government or even the last government
1:13:27
was particularly focused just
1:13:29
because, you
1:13:30
know, like I was saying earlier, you know, even
1:13:33
on the security front, which I don't
1:13:35
think security is always or even usually
1:13:37
actually a priority of the Nigerian political
1:13:39
elite. I think that's one reason
1:13:41
that Nigeria is the way it is today is that there's a lot
1:13:44
of negligence from the politicians. But
1:13:47
even within the security arena, like
1:13:49
Nigeria for the past 20 years, it's kind of
1:13:51
just been like putting out one fire after another
1:13:53
or at least attempting to. And
1:13:56
so right now, like, even though the
1:13:58
Niger Delta conflict because of the of that, you
1:14:01
know, because of it has the
1:14:03
potential to be almost an existential crisis
1:14:05
because of the oil and the ability of the militants to
1:14:07
kind of threaten that. But
1:14:10
kind of since 2009, like, to
1:14:12
a large extent, like the government
1:14:15
and you know, was able to kind of bring the conflict
1:14:17
down to a lower boil, if you will. And
1:14:20
I say the government and again, there's like a lot
1:14:22
of it was, you know, the work had already been done for the government
1:14:24
because there was already so much competition between
1:14:26
the militants. But like, essentially, that strategy
1:14:29
that the government employed of like the amnesty and
1:14:31
the security contract was a way to kind
1:14:33
of like reduce the tensions a bit. And
1:14:35
so, you know, and that actually happened,
1:14:38
like, you know, that presidential amnesty program came into
1:14:40
effect in 2009, which was the same year the Boko
1:14:42
Haram conflict started. And by 2013, the
1:14:44
Boko Haram conflict had just like escalated
1:14:47
like crazy. You know, really,
1:14:49
by like 2011, things were getting really bad in
1:14:51
the north with Boko Haram. And then, you
1:14:53
know, since I'd say 2018, 2019, or really since 2016, Boko Haram has been
1:14:55
a bit
1:14:58
more contained, though it's still very much, you
1:15:01
know, a challenge in the Northeast. And
1:15:03
to some extent, you know, there are cells elsewhere in the
1:15:05
country. But just as Boko Haram is being contained,
1:15:07
you have like banditry and farmer-herder conflicts
1:15:09
exploding in central and northwestern Nigeria.
1:15:12
And then just in the past two years, you've had kind of a resurgent,
1:15:15
secessionist violence in the southeast. So
1:15:17
just because of that, because of the kind of the constantly
1:15:20
evolving and overlapping security challenges, the
1:15:23
Niger Delta actually gets pretty easily forgotten.
1:15:26
Because I think that the kind
1:15:28
of thinking of the Nigerian government,
1:15:30
you know, the Nigerian political elite, whether
1:15:32
it's this president, the former one, you know, even
1:15:34
the big opposition candidates and stuff, assuming
1:15:38
the thinking is just like, well,
1:15:40
look, no one's really solved this conflict, right?
1:15:43
And, you know, so long as we can just like
1:15:45
keep things kind of at a low boil,
1:15:47
and then kind of keep it under wraps, like,
1:15:50
I shouldn't let myself get too stressed about this issue,
1:15:53
because, you know, frankly, they've been dealing
1:15:55
with, you know, kind of like agitations
1:15:57
in the Niger Delta since Ibrahim Babangita.
1:16:00
was, you know, military had a state in the early 90s,
1:16:02
right? So like, I don't think any president
1:16:05
kind of comes into office thinking that they're really gonna
1:16:07
like fix it overnight. I mean, maybe they
1:16:09
do. The current president, Sunubu,
1:16:11
who was inaugurated in May, you know,
1:16:14
he's, I mean, his whole, like a big part
1:16:16
of his agenda is to try to kind
1:16:19
of, you know, revamp the Nigerian economy and stuff.
1:16:21
And part of that, at least on paper, involves
1:16:24
modernizing the oil sector, but also, you
1:16:27
know, moving away from dependency on oil. But
1:16:29
you know, every Nigerian president
1:16:31
in the first year of their administration, you know, or
1:16:34
during the campaign, they have, you
1:16:36
know, they all kind of promise the same thing, right? They're
1:16:38
going to revamp the oil sector, they're going to diversify
1:16:40
the Nigerian economy, they're going to provide jobs for the
1:16:42
youths. And yeah, they're going to handle insecurity
1:16:44
and stuff. I think
1:16:47
so far, we haven't seen any kind of major moves
1:16:49
in the delta that point to
1:16:51
kind of a real paradigm shift. But
1:16:54
like I said, you know, there are, there's a possibility
1:16:57
that maybe the current president will adopt more
1:16:59
of a kind of business transactional
1:17:01
approach.
1:17:03
And so yeah, I think, I think, you know,
1:17:06
we'll see what happens in the coming months. All
1:17:08
right, mate.
1:17:09
I think a lot of our listeners will be really interested
1:17:13
to follow your work that you did out
1:17:15
there. Obviously, you went there, you were on the ground. Where
1:17:17
can people do that? Where's the best place?
1:17:20
Yeah, thanks. I mean, I think
1:17:22
I have the Twitter, the
1:17:25
Twitter, you know, mind virus, like
1:17:27
a lot of other people. So you can follow me there.
1:17:29
I spend too much time on Twitter. My
1:17:33
profile or username,
1:17:36
yeah, it's at JH underscore Barnett.
1:17:39
And then also, if you go to the website of the Hudson
1:17:41
Institute, which is a think tank that I'm affiliated with
1:17:44
in Washington, DC. There
1:17:46
you can also see in my profile.
1:17:49
You can see a lot of my writing there. All right.
1:17:52
Thanks very much. That was really, really interesting. Yeah,
1:17:54
thanks, Jake, for having me. It's a pleasure to be on.
1:18:02
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1:18:05
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