Episode Transcript
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0:06
Welcome to Talking Feds, a roundtable that
0:09
brings together prominent former federal officials
0:11
and special guests for a dynamic
0:13
discussion of the most important political
0:15
and legal topics of the day.
0:18
I'm Harry Litman. It's
0:20
our quarterly return to roots with
0:22
a close scrutiny of the current
0:24
mindset, morale, and methods of the
0:26
Department of Justice. With three of
0:29
the old hands and former insiders
0:31
that know it best. The
0:33
sharpest focus, at least from the
0:36
outside, remains on the two indicted
0:38
cases against Donald Trump. One
0:40
faces numerous legal challenges but has
0:43
an experienced judge capable of moving
0:45
it along, while the other
0:47
appears straightforward but is presided
0:49
over by a less experienced
0:52
judge seemingly ill-equipped for the
0:54
task. Separate from the
0:56
challenges of trying Trump is the
0:58
complication of muzzling him. A
1:01
number of courts, state and
1:03
federal, seem flummoxed by Trump's
1:06
so far incorrigible practice of
1:08
going public with insults, provocations,
1:10
and flat-out lies about judges,
1:12
witnesses, prosecutors, law clerks, the
1:15
deep state, and anyone he
1:17
sees as complicit in the
1:19
attacks against him. Though
1:22
it sometimes may feel that way to us,
1:24
it's not all Trump all the time at
1:26
950 Pennsylvania Avenue.
1:29
Merrick Garland and company of
1:31
late have been taking on
1:34
a spike in hate crimes
1:36
against Jews and Muslims, discriminatory
1:38
red lighting practices, and wild
1:40
west unlawfulness in cutting-edge high-tech
1:42
industries. And of course
1:45
there's the perennial task of
1:47
managing key relationships, in particular
1:49
the FBI and the
1:51
White House. To break down
1:53
the department's performance as we approach the
1:56
highest water days of the legal age
1:58
of Trump, we are really
2:00
fortunate as always to welcome
2:03
three insiders with detailed long-term
2:05
familiarity with Merrick Garland and
2:08
the department. And
2:10
they are Katie Benner. Katie covers
2:12
the department for the New York Times where
2:14
she was part of a team that won
2:16
a Pulitzer Prize in 2018. She
2:19
previously worked
2:21
at the Times San Francisco Bureau
2:24
and as a reporter for Bloomberg
2:26
and 4 Chin Magazine. Thank you
2:28
as always for joining these quarterly
2:31
DOJ episodes. Katie Benner. Thanks
2:33
for having me. Paul Fishman, a
2:35
partner at Arnold and Porter where
2:37
he is the head of the
2:39
firm's crisis management and strategic response
2:42
team. He's done it all at
2:44
DOJ including serving as a very
2:46
senior official of main justice and
2:48
as the U.S. Attorney for the
2:50
District of New Jersey. Thanks Paul
2:53
for joining. Always happy to be with
2:55
you Harry. And Amy Jeffress,
2:57
a partner of Paul's at Arnold
2:59
and Porter where she serves as
3:01
the co-chair of the White Collar
3:04
Defense and Investigations Practice. She spent
3:06
13 years at the U.S. Attorney's
3:08
Office for the District of Columbia
3:10
where she was among other positions
3:13
chief in the national security section
3:15
and also had extensive experience in
3:17
main justice including as counselor to
3:20
the Attorney General. Thanks for joining
3:22
Amy and by the way happy
3:24
Thanksgiving to everyone. Thanks. Great to be
3:26
with all of you. So quite a
3:28
bit has happened in 9th and Pennsylvania in the
3:31
last three months. Much of it
3:33
goes beyond Donald Trump but let's start
3:35
there. We're in the thick of litigation
3:38
in special counsel Jack Smith's two
3:40
federal cases, the one in D.C.
3:42
before Judge Tanya Chutkin growing out
3:44
of the events of January 6th
3:46
and the one in southern Florida
3:49
before Judge Aileen Cannon growing out
3:51
of his pre-warning of classified documents
3:53
after leaving the White House. Let's
3:55
start with the Chutkin case where
3:57
jury selection procedures start. in
4:00
early February, so we are
4:03
really chugging along. The
4:05
department found a response to Trump's motion
4:07
to excise language from the indictment, which
4:09
is sort of beside the point now,
4:12
but they suggested that January
4:14
6 itself is going to
4:16
be front and center. We don't
4:18
really have insider knowledge, but just
4:20
based on everyone's experience, do
4:23
we have an assentiate of how the
4:25
department's going to try the January 6
4:27
case, who are the
4:29
major witnesses, what their theory will be?
4:32
I think one of the interesting things about
4:34
the substance of the filing is that the
4:36
prosecution is, in some ways,
4:39
previewing the fact that they're going to treat
4:42
Trump much like they treated the other
4:44
descendants who stormed the Capitol, even though he
4:46
wasn't there that day. I mean, you kind of
4:48
get a sense from that, from the charges themselves,
4:50
which were very similar to the charges against many
4:53
of the J6 defendants. What's
4:55
interesting, and you see from the filing, is
4:57
they're previewing this idea
5:00
that the riot was actually
5:02
a tool of Donald Trump's,
5:04
in a long-running scheme to
5:06
retain power, that it was just something that
5:08
was a natural culmination in a series
5:11
of acts that began
5:13
after the election, that it wasn't a spontaneous
5:15
riot, and that he did use
5:17
this both to threaten the
5:19
vice president, Mike Pence, and then also to
5:21
intimidate other people who would try to keep
5:24
him out of the White House and try
5:26
to get him to step down. And by the way, the
5:28
Trump folks have focused in response to
5:30
that... Absolutely. ...on the idea that he
5:32
didn't have any idea that they would
5:35
be violent. And I think
5:37
that kind of misses the point, right? Because
5:39
following on what Katie just said is that
5:42
disrupting the vote, disrupting
5:44
the electoral college acceptance by
5:46
the House was
5:49
actually the point for him. And
5:51
he wanted those people to go to the Capitol, whether
5:54
he wanted them to go to the Capitol to break
5:56
windows and hurt policemen and do the
5:58
incredibly horrible things that... they did that
6:00
day, he's going to say, didn't see it
6:02
coming. That's a very interesting issue of proof.
6:05
But it doesn't really matter for Jack Smith's
6:07
theory. His theory is they were there to
6:09
put pressure on officers of
6:11
the United States government, senators and members
6:14
of the House, to get them
6:16
to not do their jobs. And that,
6:18
I think, is the primary point. Which
6:21
is sort of how he skirts the issue of whether or
6:23
not he should have charged Donald Trump with inciting a riot.
6:26
It doesn't matter whether or not a riot happened,
6:28
even just having people outside the building screaming, hanging
6:30
like pants, or having people outside the building yelling
6:32
and screaming was enough to try to pressure lawmakers.
6:35
You used, Katie, the term long running. And
6:37
I think that is a good way to
6:39
explain the indictment, which doesn't start
6:41
with January 6. It starts right after
6:44
the election with the fake-elector schemes. And
6:46
he goes through all the different states.
6:48
So to your original question, Harry, there
6:50
are going to be a lot of
6:52
witnesses to events that took place well
6:54
before January 6 with respect to the
6:56
overall conspiracy to undermine the results of
6:58
the election. So I think it's going
7:00
to be much more than just January
7:02
6. And let's bring it
7:04
home. I mean, don't you
7:06
think someone somewhere has written
7:08
some draft of an opening
7:10
statement as former AUSAs? Are
7:13
we going to see pictures
7:15
of the melee during opening
7:17
statement or just stick to
7:19
Trump's chagrin and frustration at
7:21
losing? It seems to me
7:23
he envisioned something like
7:25
this. And this happened to our
7:27
country, ladies and gentlemen. Do you
7:30
think that's, you know, as
7:32
a matter of trial tactics where we're
7:34
headed? I would try to get it
7:36
in for sure. I mean, look, if you if you look at
7:38
the images, if you started with the images of
7:41
members of the House of Representatives
7:43
cowering under their desks, if
7:46
you started with images, not
7:48
so much of the guy with his
7:50
feet on Nancy Pelosi's desk, but if
7:52
you have images of the senators and
7:54
representatives running down the hallway in fear
7:56
for their lives, the effect
7:58
was very nearly to
8:01
stop the process entirely. I mean,
8:03
it's a credit to the House
8:06
and the Senate that they got back into
8:08
their chambers, right? It's a credit that the
8:10
actual, but pretty clear that Donald Trump would
8:12
have been thrilled if they had continued running
8:15
straight out of the building and gone home.
8:17
A USA Jeffress, you agree? Because
8:20
you could imagine instead starting with
8:22
Cassidy Hutchinson and she heard Mark
8:24
Meadows say this, and as Paul
8:26
averted, I don't think you draw
8:28
a relevancy objection given the indictment,
8:30
but do you think that's what
8:32
we're going to see? I
8:34
don't actually. I think it's a more complicated
8:36
indictment than that. And so just looking at
8:38
it, it's a 45-page indictment and you don't
8:40
get to January 6th until page 36. So
8:42
there is a lot
8:45
of information about what's going on in the
8:47
States. And I think a lot of the
8:49
testimony is going to have to present that.
8:51
What was happening in Wisconsin and Pennsylvania? What
8:54
were his teams doing there to try to
8:56
come up with ways to overturn the election
8:58
results? And so January 6th, what happened? That's
9:00
the culmination of all of this. But to
9:03
me, that is also maybe the culmination
9:05
of the trial. I wouldn't necessarily start with
9:07
that in my opening statement. I think he's
9:09
got to lay out a whole path. And
9:11
then by doing so, he also undermines Trump's
9:13
defense that, well, I wasn't even there at
9:16
the Capitol and I didn't know it was
9:18
going to be violent. He was involved in
9:20
the entire scheme leading up to that day.
9:23
All right. That's our place. We're beginning
9:25
to be at a point where a
9:27
theory of the case and an order
9:29
of witnesses, I think, is being charted
9:31
out, right? So to eminences from the
9:33
department, I thought that contrasting views in
9:35
particular are interesting. I don't want
9:37
to back off my disagreement with Amy. I love to
9:39
disagree with Amy. A very good friend
9:42
of mine for a really long time and she's recruited
9:44
me to our law firm. So I owe her enormously.
9:46
But I wasn't just going to say they open with
9:48
that image as the first thing in the case. But
9:51
I will take issue with Amy on one
9:53
thing. They will draw a relevant subjection on
9:56
everything that they do. In this case, that
9:58
defense team is going to argue that
10:00
everything should be kept out, that the
10:02
jury should hear no evidence whatsoever, that
10:04
everything is too prejudicial. But won't that
10:06
be done at the motions for the
10:08
eliminate stage, though? But you've tried cases
10:10
with lawyers who, and ironically, you know,
10:12
what their strategy is to be
10:15
as obstructive as their client is. Yeah, it's
10:17
interesting. And part of that may be their
10:19
own strategy, and part of that may be
10:21
simply implementing his direction. And that's a whole
10:23
other discussion, but that's right, because there are
10:25
special considerations given what I think are reasonable
10:27
predictions about how Trump's team will try it.
10:29
Yeah, quick question about Mark Meadows,
10:32
who it looks like may have
10:34
testified under a grant of immunity,
10:36
but with no cooperation agreement. How
10:39
significant is that development in and of
10:41
itself, and do you see him playing
10:44
an important role at trial? Well,
10:46
he's indicted in Georgia, right? So I think it's
10:48
really difficult, you know, and he has a very
10:50
good lawyer. I think they have to be very
10:52
careful about how to navigate this, and I
10:55
don't know anything. And yet they testified, right?
10:57
He's got a cop, at least to that, whatever
10:59
he said, that I agree, I was stunned. And
11:02
he does have the best lawyers out there. Who represents him?
11:05
George Terwilliger. Not just Terwilliger,
11:07
but he's got a scolief.
11:09
The writings. And he has John
11:11
Moran, and he has George Terwilliger.
11:13
Are the best written products. And also, Meadows
11:15
wasn't the first person to testify under a
11:18
grant of immunity. Cash Patel did as well
11:20
in the documents case, the government got nothing
11:22
out of that. And so Cash wasn't really
11:24
used in that indictment. But here's my
11:26
question. My familiarity with the
11:28
law of immunity is not as recent
11:31
as it once was. But
11:33
if he testifies at the federal trial in
11:35
March under a grant of
11:37
immunity, isn't Fonnie Will's going to have
11:39
a really hard time convicting him and
11:41
showing that everything she's got, she obtained
11:43
without regard to that grant of immunity?
11:46
I mean, there's no question that she
11:48
gathered a lot of evidence independently of
11:50
that. But he's going to get one
11:52
hell of a Castegar hearing in front of her, if that's
11:54
what happens. That's my best guess of his strategy
11:56
in having done it, right? Right. That
11:58
seems right to me. end of the day, that's how
12:01
Oliver North got off right in
12:03
the Iran contrast because because the witnesses
12:05
at the criminal trial of Oliver North when
12:07
he was immunized in front of the Iran contract committee,
12:10
couldn't say that they
12:12
hadn't been influenced in some way by
12:15
his testimony on national television. They had thought, seen
12:17
it, they had read about it in the newspaper,
12:19
and so ultimately the department lost his conviction on.
12:21
So the question is, is that going to happen
12:24
here if he testifies first for the feds in
12:26
March? Let me just broach the
12:28
legal question for everyone who's listening. If
12:30
you testify underground or immunity, your testimony
12:33
is compelled so the Fifth Amendment says
12:35
it can't be used against you and
12:37
there's been very stringent ways of interpreting
12:39
that, whereas Paul says Fannie Willis could
12:42
have big headaches trying to show
12:44
it. All right, just a quick
12:46
closeout here. It's set for March
12:49
4th. Do you think that's
12:51
going to hold or pretty close
12:54
and what prospects are there
12:56
for delay? The judge seems
12:58
to be moving forward, taking steps to call the
13:00
jury in advance of the trial date is one
13:02
of those steps. So it seems like it will
13:04
go to trial in the spring. And whether there
13:07
might be a delay because of pretrial
13:09
issues, it's possible, but it seems
13:11
to be on track to me. I thought
13:14
one interesting development was the appeal of
13:16
the gag order, Harry. I think that's
13:18
actually a very interesting issue. There's not
13:21
a lot of cases like this one where
13:23
you have a criminal defendant running for president.
13:26
This is a first. And so applying the
13:28
traditional case law in this context is just
13:30
very difficult. And I think the argument in
13:32
the court of appeals reflected that. But Judge
13:35
Checkin's order was really directed at you can't
13:37
try to try your case in the media
13:39
and you can't even more importantly, you can't
13:41
threaten and harass and intimidate witnesses and court
13:44
personnel. And so we'll see what the DC
13:46
Circuit does with that. But I thought that
13:48
was very interesting litigation. Justice
14:00
tries dozens of cases all the time
14:02
involving people who are running for office. Bob
14:05
Menendez is running for office, right? There are
14:07
mayors and councilmen and governors who have not
14:09
resigned and have run for office after they've
14:11
gotten indicted. Usually they quit. So usually this
14:14
isn't an issue, but it's not unique in
14:16
that way. And his First Amendment argument really
14:19
doesn't have any greater or lesser resonance for
14:21
me because he's a candidate for the presidency
14:23
as opposed to a different office. His First
14:25
Amendment rights are not different in that regard,
14:27
I think. Yes, his rights are not
14:29
different, but what sets him apart from somebody like
14:31
Bob Menendez for now is
14:33
that he's also willing to say things that most
14:35
candidates who are under indictment would never be willing
14:37
to say. So it actually does make him very
14:39
unique. And there's an argument that I think that
14:42
the Justice Department has tried to make and
14:44
that other officials have tried to make
14:46
that this is not a political case, that this is
14:48
just a righteous indictment on criminal activity. And there's a
14:51
part of that that's true. But I think one of
14:53
the reasons why a lot of Americans struggle with this
14:55
case and do see it politically is because
14:57
at the end of the day, what happens
14:59
in these criminal cases, whether or not
15:02
he was being unfairly prosecuted
15:04
or she was persecuted, actually goes to
15:06
the heart of part of his campaign.
15:09
So there's a way in which this is just tied up
15:11
with politics, but it doesn't matter that the
15:14
department wants to say this is simply
15:16
a criminal prosecution. There's a reality, sort
15:18
of a real politic level that isn't
15:20
possible to not see politically. And Trump
15:22
is more than willing, more than other
15:24
candidates so far. To
15:26
draw that out, make it explicit and weaponize it.
15:28
And I think that that is why this gag
15:31
order issue that Amy brought up is one of
15:33
the more fascinating aspects of the case so far.
15:35
And he makes a very good point
15:38
as always, but also what is also
15:40
different is that the case itself is
15:42
about politics. So
15:44
Bob Menendez's case or a case involving
15:46
kickbacks or bribes or embezzlement or the
15:49
other kinds of crimes that public officials
15:51
are usually accused of when they're indicted,
15:53
they bear some relation often and they
15:55
must to the way they conducted their
15:58
office, but not about the political... process
16:00
in that way. And that also does make this
16:02
a little different. But if you narrow the gag
16:04
order a little bit to say, you can't
16:07
talk trash about witnesses and
16:09
about the prosecutors and about the judge,
16:11
that is a little narrower. And I
16:13
think that's ultimately where the court's going
16:15
to end up. That's my sense as
16:18
well. They'll be more targeted. I think
16:20
the important practical issue as far as
16:22
delay goes is whether they'll announce it
16:24
and apply it or whether they'll announce
16:26
it and remand it, giving Trump another
16:28
round, at least of a quick appeal. So
16:31
just on this filing that came out where
16:33
I think it's Molly Gaston, the prosecutor who's
16:35
working for Jack Smith, sort of lays out
16:37
this argument. The reason why they even got
16:39
to do this is because Donald Trump, his
16:42
lawyer said, we don't want any information about
16:44
the January 6th attack at trial. I mean,
16:46
I'm oversimplifying it, but they said,
16:48
you know, we would like to suppress
16:50
this information. And the
16:53
department used this as an
16:55
opportunity to lay out a really
16:57
strong argument against Trump. I
16:59
mean, they had valid reasons too. They
17:01
said, in fact, we do need to mention
17:03
January 6th in the attack because it's essential
17:05
to our case. But they did go further.
17:08
They used this filing to say a lot
17:10
more than they had to. And that
17:12
said to me that prosecutors,
17:14
having learned from the Mueller
17:16
investigation and from Donald Trump's
17:19
own behavior, that he is going to try to
17:21
take advantage of how violent the
17:23
department normally is. That while Jack
17:25
Smith is not going to be holding cross
17:27
conferences about what the department thinks or feels
17:29
in the way that Ken started, he's
17:32
going to take every opportunity to make
17:34
a strong case against Donald Trump in
17:37
speaking documents at every turn. And
17:39
that that is not the worst
17:41
strategy to combat this imbalance
17:43
of power between the Justice
17:46
Department and a defendant that typically
17:48
exists. And again, a typical defendant doesn't go
17:50
out and attack the Justice Department in the way
17:53
that Trump does. So this hasn't been a big
17:55
issue. But now it's a really big issue. And
17:57
I think that Smith team is trying to go
17:59
at this. creatively within the letter of
18:01
their own policies and within the
18:03
letter of the law. It's
18:05
a great point, Katie, and it's a
18:08
classic sort of prosecutor move. You speak
18:10
through your filings before the court and
18:12
they are doing that very effectively. And
18:14
I think even more my sense is this
18:17
has been sanctioned at the highest levels of
18:19
the department. We saw this in like the
18:21
Mar-a-Lago search warrant. We can take the
18:24
opportunity when given to lay some
18:26
stuff out for the American people
18:28
and try to counteract the
18:30
torrent of what's often actually just
18:32
false information. The photos in that
18:34
search warrant, but they could and
18:37
they were like, if Trump's going
18:39
to say there was nothing there, why don't we
18:41
just put in photographs of what was there, which is
18:43
really powerful. Right. But it's, I keep harping
18:45
on the men in this thing, but he is
18:47
my own state center. But they did the same
18:49
thing in that indictment. They have pictures of the
18:52
gold bars, right, and the cash in the jacket.
18:54
What's interesting about this and sort of ironic in
18:56
some sense is that defendants complain all the time,
18:58
justifiably in some circumstances and not justifiably in others,
19:01
that the reason they hate speaking indictments
19:03
is that the department lays out traditionally
19:06
in an indictment, speaking indictment is one where
19:08
it just doesn't say you committed fraud on
19:10
such and such a day, full stop,
19:12
right? It lays out the entire way in
19:15
which the defendant allegedly did that. And the
19:17
reason the government does that is it's
19:19
one chance at the beginning to
19:21
lay the stuff out for the public so the
19:23
public knows what the case is about. But defendants
19:25
and their lawyers have decried that practice for decades
19:27
and decades and decades. And it hasn't been going
19:30
on for 100 years. It's been going on probably
19:32
from 30 or 40 really
19:34
robustly. And then prosecutors do
19:36
it for that reason. And defendants hate it
19:38
because it puts all this information in the
19:41
public domain way before the trial.
19:43
Here you sort of have the opposite issue,
19:45
right, which is that Trump is talking all
19:47
the time. And now Smith is looking for
19:49
a way to sort of even the score
19:51
and that's that in the public record. Really
19:53
good point. All right, so let's go South
19:55
down to Mar-a-Lago. So, Cannon,
19:57
she's been tough on the government.
20:00
and gentle on Trump, we
20:02
can speculate why. But
20:05
my question's just this, a sort
20:07
of legal strategy tactics. Given
20:10
current trends, is there any
20:12
opening or do you see one on
20:15
the horizon for the department to seek
20:17
recusal from the 11th Circuit? Are they
20:19
stuck with their for the duration, do
20:22
you think? I expect so. I
20:24
haven't seen her do anything that I would think
20:26
would warrant recusal. It is somewhat
20:28
ironic that the delay is happening
20:30
in that case and not in
20:32
the DC case because I was
20:34
talking earlier about how I think
20:36
the indictment in DC is fairly
20:38
complicated. This indictment in Florida is
20:40
not at all complicated. It is
20:42
quite straightforward and it delivers the
20:44
goods, as you were saying, in
20:46
terms of the photographs of the
20:48
classified information, obviously where it shouldn't
20:50
be, and recordings of discussions of
20:52
classified information. It's a quite strong
20:55
case and a simple one.
20:57
I find it odd, and there is
21:00
classified information and there's litigation that has
21:02
to take place about how that's used
21:04
in court, but it's not especially complicated.
21:07
It is ironic that that case may be delayed and
21:09
the DC case is the one that's poised to go
21:11
forward. I agree with Amy. I
21:14
think, so first of all, the old expression, if
21:16
you shoot the king, you gotta kill the king. If you
21:18
take a shot at recusing a judge and you take
21:20
it up to the Court of Appeals and you lose, it's
21:23
a very, very, very dicey proposition. I
21:25
did it once in the seven and
21:27
a half years I was U.S. Attorney
21:29
and that's something you think very long
21:31
and hard about. Especially if you're DOJ,
21:33
right? Well, especially in a case like
21:35
this, right? And typically there are two
21:37
things about this. One is the Court
21:39
of Appeals is more likely to do
21:41
it if they see their own orders
21:44
being ignored. So if, for example,
21:46
they send the gag order back to Judge
21:49
Shuttkin and she issues the same order again
21:51
without regard to what the Court of Appeals
21:53
said, that would annoy them. But here,
21:56
where they're largely discretionary calls,
21:59
that judges may... all the time, the court
22:01
of appeals is going to be less interested in doing that.
22:03
The second thing, and I don't really know the answer to
22:05
this, is to seek the
22:07
recusal of a judge in circumstances
22:09
like this in front of the court of appeals,
22:11
you need approval from this solicitor general's office, I
22:13
think, to take that position on appeal. And
22:16
I'm not sure what that dynamic would be
22:18
in the context of a Justice Department that's
22:20
being run by an attorney general who is
22:22
clearly keeping his distance from this. And
22:24
even though the special counsel regs require you
22:27
to run the ordinary traps in the department
22:29
to get immunity or to get somebody's tax
22:31
returns or to get whatever approvals you might need
22:33
for a RICO or something like that, I'm
22:35
not sure how that would work in this
22:37
case. My view is that part of this
22:39
is she may have whatever biases she's had.
22:42
She also hasn't been a district court judge
22:44
very long. Some people have spectacular instincts and
22:46
some people don't. And I think that
22:48
some of this is she just may not be that
22:50
good a judge. This to me
22:52
is the biggest contrast with Chutkin. Chutkin
22:54
knows how to run a court and move
22:57
a case along and I don't think she
23:00
does. And it leads to a kind
23:02
of brittleness and even peak to the
23:04
DOJ, which is always the easiest target
23:06
in this. Let me ask one
23:08
more nuts and bolts question that really interests
23:10
me. Are Nauta
23:12
and de Oliveira likely to
23:15
plead here? It's a
23:17
tough call for them because it's their
23:19
employment versus their liberty. What do
23:21
you mean? Well, if they get convicted,
23:23
they could go to jail. And so I'm
23:25
sure that they're thinking about pleading, but they
23:28
also, I think they both still work for
23:30
Trump. Don't they? I think they
23:32
do. Well, I think Nauta certainly he wants to be there
23:34
in the long run, I think. Yeah. Unlike
23:37
the three people who pled guilty in the Georgia case,
23:39
all three of them are lawyers. There
23:41
were some others, but like when you look
23:43
at Ken Chesbrough and Jenna Ellis and City
23:46
Powell, like they were facing basically the end
23:48
of their careers as lawyers if they lost.
23:51
People could be facing the end of their careers as lawyers, but they
23:53
were facing consequences that Walt
23:55
Nauta is not going to be facing if
23:57
he doesn't plead and he doesn't give evidence.
24:00
to the prosecution. He is a
24:02
co-conspirator here, but of course, Cannon could
24:04
go pretty light on him, I guess.
24:06
I think that's right. If they have no criminal
24:08
records, I don't know that they
24:11
do, and it's a relatively minor offense from
24:13
this sort of aiding and abetting that they
24:15
behaved in, I think that they might just
24:17
risk it in order to continue to stay
24:19
loyal to Trump and to work for him.
24:21
They may not be facing much of any
24:24
jail time in any event, even if they
24:26
are convicted. And there might be some
24:28
sympathy for them in a jury trial, given the positions
24:30
they were put in. So I think it's a very
24:32
tough decision. I'm not sure they do plead guilty. Right.
24:35
And the argument in the jury is going to
24:37
be, we didn't know what we were moving. He
24:39
was the president of the United States. If he told
24:41
us it was okay, we assumed it was okay. They're
24:43
going to have some version of that. And then if
24:45
they get convicted, they're going to say to Judge Cannon,
24:48
look, he's Donald Trump. He's an incredible bully. What were
24:50
we supposed to do? I'm not sure that that's going
24:52
to carry the day, but it might in front of
24:54
her. And
25:03
now a word from our sponsor,
25:05
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25:08
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right, it is now time for
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for today. a spirited
28:01
debate. I wanted
28:03
to return and from the vantage point
28:05
of the DOJ to this weird I
28:07
think you've already identified it as a
28:10
singular problem in history of Trump a
28:13
criminal defendant not only a former president
28:15
but a guy whose legal
28:17
strategy is to scream
28:20
with a megaphone
28:22
what depraved, complete
28:25
corrupt everybody in the system
28:27
is including family members and
28:29
the like. Obviously you
28:32
know for judges this is a really
28:34
tricky problem they really don't want to
28:36
be the person who puts him in
28:39
jail but their their tools are limited and
28:41
at one point I think he can force
28:43
them to say next time
28:45
Mr. Trump and then what
28:47
are they gonna do? I wanted to
28:49
ask about how that's playing from
28:52
the department standpoint how do
28:54
you think Jack Smith and
28:57
team are thinking about this
28:59
whole gag order constellation of
29:02
problems? Well if you look
29:04
at what happened in New York and of
29:06
course that was not the department's case but
29:08
the judge there was so upset because Trump
29:10
went after his courtroom clerk and that really
29:12
is unacceptable and it puts a person who
29:14
is you know not a public figure in
29:16
a position of you know potential danger and
29:18
I think if if Trump tried to do
29:21
that in federal court you know go after
29:23
the judges law clerks or court
29:25
personnel those judges would have the same reaction and
29:27
the department would take steps to protect those individuals
29:29
I think that's a red line that he shouldn't
29:31
cross again and he was lucky to get away
29:33
with what he did in New York. Do they see
29:35
it as like look anybody
29:37
else you know does that they should go
29:40
in same as Donald Trump or do they
29:42
see it as an as a nightmare that
29:44
would totally complicate the case having him actually
29:46
have a gag order that he violates. I
29:49
guess the question is it's in terms of sanctions
29:51
right is that the least restrictive sanction that the
29:53
judge could impose with or that the prosecutor is
29:56
going to ask for right if you're talking about
29:58
my hatty what do you do And
30:00
the answer is you take away his phone. He
30:03
could live at Mora Lago with no
30:05
internet access. If I were the judge,
30:07
I wouldn't put him in. The security concerns are too high.
30:09
The risk is enormous. And I'm just by the way true.
30:12
I think in the end, a judge is going to have
30:14
to think about this in terms of sentencing, right? But
30:17
for the moment, it's just in terms of
30:19
sanctions. The image of Donald Trump being told,
30:21
you can't live at Mora Lago. You
30:24
can't mingle with crowds of people, which
30:26
is exactly what happened. And you effectively
30:30
select the conditions
30:32
of incarceration that
30:34
are necessary to maintain
30:36
order in your court, which
30:39
does not mean he has to be in a cell. It
30:41
does mean he's got to be in a place where he
30:43
can't communicate with anybody but his lawyers and his immediate family
30:45
and a member of the clergy, maybe. It
30:48
doesn't have to be that he's incarcerated. And
30:50
so that's how you could figure out some combination
30:52
of conditions that wouldn't let him plead or wouldn't
30:54
let him make public statements. I'm not saying that
30:56
that's the right answer. I'm just saying the jail
30:58
is probably not the right answer here. The
31:00
judge in New York started with fines and
31:02
relatively small ones in the overall context. And
31:04
I think that that's where I would go
31:06
if he started violating. You start with fines,
31:08
and then you say, this happens again. We're
31:10
going to have to consider greater sanctions. But
31:14
if he wants it to, and it strikes me
31:16
maybe he does, he can drive it
31:18
to that point. And then what I
31:20
think Paul, your analysis is spot on for judges.
31:23
I'm just wondering where is Jack Smith
31:25
and the department? If he continues to
31:27
do this and they're the ones whose
31:30
trial and the integrity is threatened, is
31:32
it the least bad option to put
31:34
him in? How are
31:36
they thinking about it as prosecutors? I wonder
31:38
if you have any thoughts. You're
31:40
talking about the integrity of the trial,
31:42
which I think is an important concern
31:44
here. But I was really talking about
31:46
the physical risk to individuals and especially
31:48
nonpublic figures. The integrity of the trial
31:50
is a slightly different issue because there's
31:53
this issue of to what extent is
31:55
he really threatening witnesses? And one
31:57
of the examples from the Court of Appeals argument the other day was that he was
31:59
a victim of the trial. him saying things about Bill Barr.
32:01
Is Bill Barr's testimony going to change because of what
32:03
Donald Trump is saying about him? Probably not. So is
32:05
that really a threat to the integrity of the trial?
32:08
And I think a lot of the witnesses in these
32:10
cases are, you know, quite solid and
32:12
are not going to be intimidated by anything
32:14
that is tweeted about them. And so the
32:16
integrity of the trial to me is, it's
32:18
still important, but it would take a lot
32:20
more to threaten that than it does, in
32:22
my view, to threaten these, you know, court
32:24
employees and other people who really should not
32:26
be put in harm's way because of this.
32:29
I think that the Amy thing about the
32:31
credibility of the trial is probably
32:33
the key to how
32:35
the Justice Department is thinking about this because
32:37
it's not just the credibility of the trial,
32:39
it's the credibility of the verdict too. If
32:42
the credibility of the trial is undermined, the credibility
32:44
of the verdict will be undermined, and then that
32:46
is really not what you want as a prosecutor.
32:49
I guess like reputationally
32:51
that Jack Smith and Merrick Garland would think about
32:53
this differently too. You know, Jack Smith, his reputation is he
32:55
goes in and he wants to win, and if he feels
32:57
like he has more than 50% chance of winning,
33:00
he's going to take the case trial, put it before
33:02
jury and see what happens. Reputationally,
33:04
Merrick Garland, when he became Attorney
33:06
General and in his first year,
33:08
especially in offices of AG, he
33:11
was thinking a lot about that credibility
33:13
issue around the Justice Department. Our courts
33:15
and our DOJ don't really have a
33:17
lot of meaning if the public does
33:19
not believe in them. The
33:21
Justice Department can do everything right, a judge can
33:23
do everything right, but if a huge swath of
33:25
the population has been convinced, for example, by
33:27
Donald Trump that these people are criminals and
33:30
liars, those things are less
33:32
meaningful in some ways and really
33:34
undermines democracy. And
33:36
so is it worth it to
33:38
stand on a principle and find Donald Trump
33:40
and eventually put him in jail before his
33:42
trial even begins if that
33:44
is going to, in the mind of the public, increase
33:47
the likelihood that they think that this is a
33:49
purely political prosecution designed to
33:51
keep Donald Trump out of office and that
33:54
whatever conviction or whether or not
33:56
a conviction happens, no matter what a jury
33:58
decides, there's no credibility here. And
34:00
I think that somebody like America would be
34:03
weighing those things and saying,
34:05
is that worth it? And I
34:07
think that that's not necessarily the worst
34:09
thing in the world to be weighing in
34:11
this moment because this is such a sensitive
34:13
issue. It's not just the
34:16
safety of people, whether or not they could be persuaded,
34:18
whether or not somebody is going to threaten Bill Barr
34:20
or go to his home. It is at the end
34:22
of the day that the ponderance of all the activities
34:24
that happened before a jury comes
34:26
back and says whether or not they think
34:29
Donald Trump committed a crime. Is
34:31
that going to undermine what the American
34:33
people think of that verdict, especially
34:35
when it's just politically
34:37
sensitive? And I think that is
34:39
a reasonable lens. And again, reputationally, that's a
34:42
lens that Merrick Garland would be willing to
34:44
think about and consider it sort of, and
34:47
he was a judge, reputationally that's just not
34:49
the way Jackson has talked about it. I think
34:51
that may be right, but I think
34:53
that maybe giving Jack just sort of one
34:56
step less something,
34:58
I'm not sure what the word is,
35:01
that he deserves under these circumstances. I
35:03
think prosecutors, good prosecutors, responsible prosecutors, prosecutors
35:05
who have been in the supervisory hierarchy
35:08
do think about that. His
35:10
role at The Hague was to think about
35:12
the credibility of international prosecution at the highest
35:14
level of the world court, right, at the
35:16
international court court. And so I think that
35:18
he probably, he doesn't come to this without
35:20
that idea. And because of his
35:22
role in both the U.S. Attorney's Office in Brooklyn
35:24
and in the public integrity section, I think he's
35:26
had those conversations with people because even
35:29
if it doesn't happen in this context, I
35:31
know Amy's had these conversations, I know Harry has
35:33
too, is when you're bringing the case at the
35:35
end of the day, is it a case that
35:38
you can make a federal case out of? Always,
35:40
is it strong enough? What if we don't win?
35:42
Should we bring it at all? People make those
35:44
calls, and if the dialogue is sufficiently robust in
35:46
the U.S. Attorney's Office or in the building at
35:49
950 Pennsylvania Avenue, people learn that. Some
35:51
people are better at picking it up
35:53
than others, but I think he's been
35:55
exposed to it enough. The
35:57
one wrinkle I think gets thrown into this is that it's not a case of a
35:59
federal case. not typically the case in most
36:01
political corruption cases at least, that
36:04
people associated with the trial are actually in
36:06
danger. And since we've already seen, we
36:09
already know that what
36:11
Trump says and
36:13
the way he says it and the
36:15
forum in which he says it can
36:18
actually precipitate action by people who think
36:20
that they're doing something that's righteous in
36:22
some way, even though they're completely misguided
36:25
and maybe crazy, in this context
36:27
where people, yeah, Bill Barr is not going to
36:29
change his testimony. But when you said
36:31
something about throwing eggs, is it possible that somebody
36:33
could attack Bill Barr? Or Tonya
36:35
Tchaikin. Right, exactly. I mean, I think that those
36:38
people, I assume, have increased security and they will
36:40
continue to have that. I wonder
36:42
about people like Cassie Hutchinson. What's that story
36:44
for those people and how are they living
36:46
their lives as people know that they have
36:49
basically left Team Trump and they may give
36:51
testimony. If I'm a prosecutor, if I'm
36:53
thinking about what the obligations are of the Department
36:55
of Justice to make sure that my witnesses
36:57
stay safe, that has to be crossing his
36:59
mind under these circumstances. I think it's
37:01
probably paramount in a lot of judges' minds
37:04
now that something like this really could happen.
37:06
It's a problem for the system, even if
37:08
they're thinking about it just in terms of
37:10
an individual case. Paul, I take
37:13
your point that I think there are discussions
37:15
that Smith and in fact Lisa Monica or
37:17
Garland participate in. But I do want to
37:20
say that, Katie, I think
37:22
you put it really beautifully, that ultimate
37:24
look out that the
37:26
best prosecutors are doing for how,
37:28
if there is a conviction, it will
37:30
settle in the American mind
37:32
and in history. So
37:35
it's not like we've solved the
37:37
problem, but I think that really
37:39
expresses the mindset that is specific
37:42
to DOJ. All
37:44
right, let's spend a few minutes,
37:47
as I always try to do anyway,
37:49
he states, talking about something other than
37:51
Donald Trump. So Mayor
37:53
Garland's been quite concerned and sounded the
37:55
alarm about hate crimes against Jews and
37:58
Muslims spiking in the country. all
38:00
the war in Gaza. I don't know
38:02
if you've seen stats but tripling worse.
38:05
How should the DOJ be
38:07
responding and is there
38:09
more that needs to be done here?
38:11
What would you be thinking of in
38:14
their shoes? They are
38:16
responding, Harry, and they're bringing cases. They've
38:18
brought several already and I think they've
38:20
been acting very promptly. There was a
38:22
Cornell student arrested. There was another announcement
38:25
just recently of another hate crime prosecution.
38:27
I think that's how Merrick Garland would
38:29
prefer to be known as leading
38:32
a department that is doing what's
38:34
necessary in these difficult times and
38:36
bringing cases like that. I would
38:38
also say the recent multi-billion dollar
38:40
settlement with Binance. It's a huge
38:43
crypto enforcement settlement and then obviously
38:45
the prosecution of Sam Bankman Freed
38:47
is another. Would you put Google
38:49
antitrust in with that too? Google
38:51
antitrust is obviously very different but yes, they
38:54
have talked for two years now
38:56
about wanting to reinvigorate antitrust enforcement and here
38:58
they are taking steps to do
39:00
that. These are the things that
39:02
I think they wanted to be known for.
39:04
I don't think they wanted to be known
39:06
for these Trump prosecutions in the January 6
39:09
cases. The January 6 cases
39:11
are getting a lot of resources and they're
39:13
very important and it's good that they're doing
39:15
that but that's not the affirmative agenda that
39:17
you go to DOJ to fulfill. Some of
39:19
these other things I think are probably much
39:21
more what they had hoped to be spending their
39:24
time on. Katie, do you
39:26
see these as coincidental cases or is
39:28
there like an initiative afoot? Amy's
39:30
comments are so interesting and two things
39:33
need to be in mind. One, certainly the department, one
39:35
of the first things Lisa Monaco talked about
39:37
was wanting to reinvigorate light-collar crime
39:39
investigations and that's what Binance and that's what Sam
39:41
Bankman Freed would fall under. Yes, the
39:43
technology is new. Yes, cryptocurrency
39:46
is relatively new over the last
39:48
decade but the crimes that they're
39:50
accused of are very old-fashioned
39:53
crimes, right? Moving money to
39:55
where it shouldn't be, hiding money, stealing money,
39:57
letting other people use the banking system for
39:59
illicit I mean, that's been
40:02
with us long before crypto. And so that is certainly
40:04
something that Lee's and Monica had
40:06
talked about, wanting to re-adigorate. And I certainly think
40:08
that's something they wanted to be known for. It's
40:11
interesting too, when you were talking about the
40:13
Hate Crimes Initiative, which Garland had said was
40:15
going to be something that he cared very
40:17
much about. I think one of
40:20
his very first speeches as attorney general, he tied
40:22
domestic terrorism to things
40:25
like disenfranchising people from
40:27
the vote, hate crimes based on
40:29
race, ethnicity, religion, et cetera. So
40:32
that was always something that's been with us. I
40:34
don't want to forget too, that because of
40:36
what's been happening in Gaza, it's not just
40:38
a matter of hate crimes
40:41
happening and increasing in the US. When Ray
40:43
testified a couple of weeks ago. Director of
40:45
the FBI. FBI director Chris Wray, I
40:48
couldn't believe this was overlooked because it was such
40:50
a searing moment, but he said that since the attack
40:52
in Israel and then the war on Gaza, the
40:55
likelihood of a terrorist attack, even in the
40:57
United States has increased. And so this is
40:59
now on the FBI's to-do list. I mean,
41:01
obviously the FBI and the National Security Division,
41:03
Amy knows this better than anyone right now
41:05
here with us today, is
41:08
always something that's top of mind for the United
41:10
States. But Ray was saying, this is really top
41:12
of mind right now that he'd gotten, what was
41:14
it? I don't remember, it was like over a
41:16
thousand or some huge number of tips. They're
41:18
looking at Hamas. They're trying to keep money
41:21
from flowing into the group. There have been
41:23
now calls for lots of terrorist activity, including
41:25
on US soil. So now we have to
41:27
worry about the possibility of terrorist attacks here
41:29
in the United States. So I think that
41:31
there's just a lot that came out of
41:34
that testimony, but that in terms of I
41:36
think for the department, it's like a multi-front
41:38
issue. It's what's going on with hate crimes
41:40
here at home because of the rhetoric,
41:43
because of the actions, because of the war.
41:45
And also what do we now have to
41:47
think about proactively, preventatively, because Hamas
41:49
showed itself to be extremely strong and powerful
41:51
in a way that was surprising. And that's
41:54
very inspirational. And I think that that's something
41:56
that the department is going to take seriously and we should
41:58
be paying more attention to that. inspirational
42:00
even to non-homage, to just prospective
42:02
terrorists in the United States, you
42:04
said. Yes. It's
42:06
like who would have ever thought Hamas would be able to break through the fence,
42:09
go into Israel, and
42:11
kill that many people. Katie
42:14
and Amy both made excellent points, right? But
42:16
there are through threads here. Look
42:18
what we're talking about, right? Somebody who speaks
42:20
or does something and inspires people who are
42:23
otherwise unconnected with that particular event to engage
42:25
in violence. That's the part of the piece
42:27
we were talking about with the gag order
42:29
and Trump's January 6th behavior.
42:31
But the lone wolf terrorist inspired
42:34
by somebody who does something like
42:36
what Hamas does is always
42:38
a threat and greater, says Ray. Remember
42:40
where Merrick comes from, right?
42:43
Merrick looked at two things that made the
42:45
most impression on him in his
42:47
time serving in the Deputy Attorney General's office, the thing
42:50
on which he spent more time than anything
42:52
else were the
42:54
Oklahoma City bombing and the Unabomber, right?
42:57
And so he knows that
42:59
world. He studied that mindset
43:01
and it scares him. It
43:03
really scares him. He
43:05
has been somebody more than any of the
43:07
other judges was always paying attention to the
43:09
Waco anniversary and what it would mean in
43:11
his courthouse because that was the day that
43:13
McVeigh blew the building up in Oklahoma City,
43:15
right? He understands where that comes from and
43:18
so that's important. The other piece that we
43:20
talked about, white collar crime, he was a
43:22
white collar criminal defense lawyer. He was a
43:24
federal prosecutor, right? He knows, Katie's right, line
43:26
cheating, stealing. That's what white collar crime is about
43:28
and he was an anti-trust lawyer. What firm was he at?
43:30
He was a firm called Arnold and Porter. Neither
43:33
Amy nor I were there. Then we were much younger. But
43:35
yeah, he was at our law firm and was a maid
43:37
partner at like the age of 14. I
43:40
mean, he was a wunderkind even then.
43:43
But there's one other piece of this that I think
43:45
that's worth talking about and one thing that he's paying
43:47
attention to in a way that I'm really thrilled to
43:49
see, he invited a group of faith
43:52
leaders into the Department of
43:54
Justice last week to talk
43:56
to them about hate. And
43:58
one thing that I think people forget. is
44:00
that all across the country there are, and you know this
44:02
Harry, there are 93 US attorneys
44:05
who interact with the community on
44:07
a very powerful level on a
44:09
daily basis, differently than the
44:11
Southern District of New York than on the Native
44:14
American reservations in South Dakota. But US attorneys are
44:16
out all the time talking
44:18
about the priorities of the department. I
44:20
would not be surprised to see what
44:22
we saw at the beginning of the
44:24
Obama administration when President Obama and Attorney
44:27
General Eric Holder were trying to increase
44:30
and improve the relationship between the Department
44:32
of Justice and in particular the Arab
44:35
and Muslim community back then. It was
44:37
still only eight years after 9-11, and
44:40
they were embarked on that process. And I
44:42
would not be surprised to see the Attorney
44:44
General give direction to people in the field
44:47
to really work on those relationships to
44:49
themselves, be giving speeches of the kind
44:51
he's going to give about hate and
44:53
discrimination and terrorism and what the role
44:55
of the Department of Justice is in
44:57
building those bridges as well as enforcing
45:00
the law. This is why I love these
45:02
discussions and why I think it's super valuable
45:04
to have people who really see the mindset
45:06
of the department leadership.
45:09
Let's just close two and a half years
45:11
or so in. Garland has
45:13
been famously arm's length toward
45:15
the White House. Any sense
45:18
of how you would assess the
45:21
current level of sort of warm
45:23
and fuzzy or affection, confidence in
45:25
the DOJ from the White House?
45:27
What's the state of that relationship
45:30
to the extent you guys have insight?
45:32
Harry, you and Paul and I met working
45:34
for Janet Reno's Justice Department, and we all
45:37
remember how much the White House did not
45:39
like her appointment of the special counsel for
45:41
the White Water, or I guess it was
45:43
independent counsel at that point, for White Water.
45:45
And I can't imagine that this White House
45:47
was very happy with the special counsel appointment
45:50
of Robert Herr for the classified information
45:53
investigation or the elevation or designation of
45:55
David Weiss to be special counsel. I
45:57
doubt that they're thrilled. with these developments,
45:59
but I would say that both sides
46:01
are probably aligned in this respect, which
46:04
is that they are both trying to
46:06
be very careful to keep those separations.
46:08
And so, even if these developments are
46:10
not welcome, they are probably welcome to
46:12
the extent that the White House thinks
46:14
it's very important that Merrick Garland remain
46:16
independent and demonstrate that he is so,
46:18
and Merrick Garland probably welcomes the fact
46:21
that, you know, the Biden White
46:23
House is not going to be reaching out about
46:25
any of these matters. They want to make sure
46:27
that they keep very, very clean on these matters.
46:29
And I think they both are. And I'm not
46:31
sure that they're going to get credit for that.
46:34
I think the world doesn't necessarily believe that the
46:36
department is independent, but I think
46:38
they are probably to a fault. That's the way
46:40
I see it. Look, I don't know
46:42
anything really firsthand about it, obviously, but
46:45
I agree with Amy, it's a little
46:47
tricky. Keep in mind that
46:49
when Merrick Garland started
46:51
working in Maine Justice in the
46:53
spring of 1993, he
46:55
was the number two in command of the
46:58
Criminal Division. Every recommendation for an independent counsel
47:00
that came out of the public integrity section
47:02
of the department, as it did in those
47:04
days, crossed his desk. He was in every
47:07
meeting with the Attorney General and the Deputy
47:09
Attorney General when that decision was made. He
47:11
knows the kinds of considerations that go into
47:13
that. I know because I saw the notes,
47:16
Janet Reno, when she was in the meeting
47:18
to decide whether to appoint Bob Fisk as
47:20
the independent counsel, a recommendation that was
47:22
later rejected by the special court. She
47:24
literally wrote on the bottom of her
47:27
page, damned if I do,
47:29
damned if I don't, bottom
47:31
line, just do the right thing.
47:34
I'm not kidding. She wrote that down and
47:36
Merrick was in the room, I'm sure, when
47:38
she said it, right? So he knows that
47:41
decision making. The thing that I think is
47:43
really tricky in Washington is he is a
47:45
member of the President's cabinet. They picked him
47:47
obviously because he was known for his integrity.
47:49
They picked him obviously because he was known
47:52
to be fair and incredibly smart and a
47:54
deep thinker and knew the issues of the
47:56
Department of Justice. But they also picked him
47:58
because it was his massive action against the
48:00
intrusiveness of Donald Trump in the Justice Department
48:02
telling Jeff Sessions and Bill Barr what to
48:05
do. And as it turned out in
48:07
the end, everybody else at the end, Rob Rosenstein got
48:09
importuned, Jim Comey, Jeff Clark. I mean,
48:11
it was really got, it became incredibly
48:13
awful and everybody wanted that barrier. What
48:16
I worry about is not so much the
48:18
criminal prosecutions because criminal prosecution should always be
48:20
independent of the White House. What I wonder
48:22
about and worry about are whether there are
48:24
other policy issues and other things.
48:26
So I don't know this to be true, but I
48:28
worry that they may be a little reluctant and he
48:30
may be a little reluctant to have the honest dialogue
48:33
with the President of the United States about
48:35
things that really matter, the Department of
48:37
Justice that have policy implications but are
48:40
perceived to be litigation matters in which
48:42
the White House might have a
48:44
view. And maybe he should know what
48:46
that view is and maybe he should express it to
48:49
them. I remember when the question was
48:51
whether the department in the Supreme Court was
48:53
going to defend the Defense of Marriage Act
48:55
and what the department stand was going to
48:57
be on what is ordinarily a general presumption
48:59
that the department defends an act of Congress
49:01
in front of the Supreme Court. And
49:04
when Eric Holder announced the decision that the department was
49:06
not going to defend the statute, he
49:08
very pointedly said, I didn't really talk to
49:10
the President of the United States about that.
49:13
And I thought that was kind of weird. And
49:15
Eric, he's my friend, but I thought it was
49:17
weird because the President of the United States was
49:19
a constitutional law scholar before he became the
49:22
President of the United States. And so the
49:24
idea that he wouldn't have a view on what
49:26
was a legal and policy matter that involved civil
49:28
litigation in the Supreme Court of
49:30
the United States struck me as unusual and maybe
49:32
not the right course, but they both wanted to
49:34
make sure that people didn't think they were talking
49:37
about things that they shouldn't be talking about. So
49:39
there is risk either way. I
49:41
think people don't realize during the
49:43
time when we met, there were
49:45
regular channels of communication where people
49:47
would go over, I participated to
49:49
the White House on things that
49:51
were litigation driven, but had real
49:53
policy implications. One that I remember
49:55
a lot is how to go
49:57
about freedom of religion where... You
50:00
know, they were pretty strong cross-current
50:02
and on policy issues, it's not
50:04
inappropriate. Nevertheless, I was going
50:06
to say once burned twice shy, but I
50:08
mean, burned is an understatement
50:11
for what happened during the Trump years. And
50:14
I think both of you guys are
50:16
in a very nuanced and sophisticated way
50:18
suggesting the imperative of reacting
50:21
to that maybe inevitably
50:23
has at least changed
50:25
things. And one could argue in some
50:27
ways, not to the optimal. I
50:30
think inside the department, there's a sense that
50:32
what Amy and Paul have surmised, that there's
50:34
a sense that people would agree that Garland
50:36
has perhaps made the wall between himself and
50:39
the White House too high, that he was
50:41
doing it out of an abundance of caution,
50:44
that he understands that his legacy is going to
50:46
be in part de-politicizing the
50:48
Justice Department to some extent, and that he
50:50
needed to be the example for that. How
50:53
history will judge that ultimately, I think,
50:55
is still up for grabs. But
50:58
certainly, inside the building, they
51:00
see that that was his intent and
51:03
that it has created some
51:05
issues with the White House, some
51:07
that are wrapped up in the prosecution
51:10
of the president's son that could
51:12
not be avoided. And so, you know,
51:14
they accept that there is a somewhat
51:17
strained relationship at times that is almost
51:19
a necessity at this point. And
51:21
there's an end. As you hear this, everyone's
51:24
back to work, but as we tape
51:27
it, it's the Friday after things giving
51:29
and we're all a little bleary-eyed, so
51:31
cut us some slack. Thank you so
51:33
much to Amy, Katie, and Paul, and
51:36
we'll look forward to getting the band
51:38
back together in three months to talk
51:40
more about the Department of Justice. And
51:46
we are out of time. Thank
51:48
you so much to Katie, Amy,
51:50
and Paul, and thank you listeners
51:53
for tuning in to Talking Feds.
51:56
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