Episode Transcript
Transcripts are displayed as originally observed. Some content, including advertisements may have changed.
Use Ctrl + F to search
0:00
graduates from a small number of elite
0:03
private colleges account for a
0:04
disproportionate share of America's
0:07
business and political leaders in this
0:10
episode we discuss a recent study that
0:13
looks at how admissions criteria at
0:15
these institutions privilege students
0:17
from high income
0:24
families thanks for joining us for t for
0:27
teaching an informal discussion of
0:29
innovative and effective practices in
0:31
teaching and learning this podcast
0:33
series is hosted by John Kae an
0:35
economist and Rebecca mush the graphic
0:38
designer and features guests doing
0:40
important research and advocacy work to
0:42
make higher education more inclusive and
0:45
supportive of all
0:54
Learners Our Guest today is John fredman
0:57
John is the briger family distinguished
0:59
professor of economics and international
1:01
public affairs at Brown University where
1:04
he is the chair of the economics
1:05
Department he is a research associate at
1:08
the National Bureau of economic research
1:10
and has served in the white house as
1:11
special assistant to the president for
1:13
economic policy at the National Economic
1:15
Council John is also a member of the US
1:18
Treasury Council on racial Equity a
1:21
co-editor of the American Economic
1:23
Review and a founding co-director of
1:25
opportunity insights welcome thank you
1:28
so much for having me it's a pleasure to
1:29
be with you today's teas are John are
1:32
you drinking any tea with us today so
1:34
I'm a big tea drinker but I drink tea in
1:37
the morning and so I had a delightful
1:41
yunan tea this morning which I will draw
1:44
on the reserves of that energy
1:46
throughout this conversation well
1:49
played and I am drinking a ginger peach
1:52
black tea from the Republican tea not so
1:54
fancy but I enjoy it I have an awake tea
1:57
because I also need some energy
2:01
we've invited you here today to discuss
2:03
your 2023 working paper with Raj shett
2:06
and David Deming diversifying society's
2:09
leaders the determinance and causal
2:11
effects of admission to highly selective
2:13
private colleges this paper created a
2:15
big stir in higher ed and other circles
2:18
as well you note in the study that less
2:20
than one half of 1% of college students
2:22
attend IV plus institutions While most
2:25
of our listeners will be familiar with
2:27
IV League colleges what are the other
2:29
colleges that are included in the IV
2:31
plus designation thanks then it's
2:33
helpful to clarify up front the colleges
2:37
that were directly studying are the
2:39
eight Ivy League schools Harvard Yale
2:42
Princeton Dartmouth Brown Columbia
2:44
Princeton pen and four close peers which
2:48
are Stanford MIT Duke and Chicago the
2:51
important thing to know here you're
2:52
right that there's a pretty small share
2:54
of students it's not that something
2:56
changes discreetly when you move out of
2:59
that group of 12 schools and you go to
3:01
another outstanding private institution
3:04
like Northwestern or Johns Hopkins or
3:06
something like that we have some data it
3:09
seems like there are some pretty similar
3:10
things going on across a lot of these
3:13
very highly selected private
3:15
institutions where you do see things
3:17
being quite different where we have some
3:19
data as well is at the most selective
3:21
public institutions places like UC
3:22
Berkeley University of Michigan UT
3:25
Austin places like that you still have
3:27
to draw the line somewhere when you have
3:29
prestigious institutions that's right so
3:32
you noted that these institutions enroll
3:34
a small share of our students why are
3:36
they so important why do we need to
3:37
study them that's right less than 1% of
3:41
college students in the country go to
3:43
one of these schools and of course
3:45
college students themselves are just a
3:46
small share of students born in any
3:49
given cohort what we found though was
3:52
that students from these institutions
3:54
are really highly over represented in
3:58
leadership positions in society you see
4:01
that if you look at who's at the top of
4:03
the income distribution or who's a CEO
4:05
of a Fortune 500 company more than 10%
4:08
of those individuals are from these IV
4:11
plus institutions but it even gets
4:13
higher when you look at who's in the US
4:15
Senate about three quarters of the
4:17
Supreme Court Justices over the past 50
4:20
years have come from these schools and
4:23
so for sure these schools themselves are
4:26
not going to be making broadscale
4:29
changes in upward mobility in our
4:31
society they're just too small but in
4:33
terms of creating both a diverse group
4:36
of leaders and a broads set of Pathways
4:38
where children from any background have
4:41
the chance to be a senator Supreme Court
4:43
Justice whatever these schools are
4:45
incredibly important one of the things
4:46
that your study did is it investigated
4:49
questions that couldn't be investigated
4:51
before because of the data that you were
4:52
able to assemble could you tell us a
4:54
little bit about the data set that you
4:56
used sure our study like so many others
5:00
has been the beneficiary of the Big Data
5:03
Revolution it's affected so many aspects
5:05
of society and this is the academic part
5:07
of it we're merging together data sets
5:10
from three different places the starting
5:12
point for this paper and for many of my
5:15
other research is the universe of us tax
5:19
and Census records which have been
5:20
merged together at the US Census Bureau
5:22
and what that allows us to do is to
5:26
identify individuals when they're kids
5:28
and then actually follow them through to
5:31
not just project what we think their
5:33
outcomes might be but really actually
5:34
observe them after they get out of
5:36
college and they've entered the labor
5:37
force those data are incredibly
5:39
important in terms of measuring upward
5:42
Mobility directly then on top of that in
5:45
order to study really in depth what's
5:47
going on at these institutions we have
5:51
internal admissions data from several IV
5:55
plus colleges as well as a bunch of
5:58
these most most selective public
6:01
universities and University Systems and
6:04
we see where children are coming from or
6:07
where they grew up in the tax data we
6:08
see where they end up in the tax data
6:10
the college data are really filling in
6:12
this in between how do they go through
6:14
the college application process we both
6:17
learn a lot of other information about
6:19
them like where they applied there's a
6:21
lot of detail about the evaluations of
6:24
their applications as well as of course
6:25
whether they eventually get in and
6:26
matriculate the final data that we're
6:28
using is a set of standardized test
6:31
scores from the two main testing
6:34
companies college board that runs the
6:36
SAT and then act which runs the
6:39
theonomous test and the way we use those
6:42
data are to start from a baseline of
6:47
academic achievement at the point when
6:51
these students are applying to
6:53
University and we can talk about how
6:56
that works and of course it's not a
6:57
perfect proxy for where students are but
7:00
when we think about the role that
7:02
universities are going to be able to
7:04
play we just have to be realistic about
7:06
the fact that they are starting to
7:08
interact with students when they are 17
7:10
or 18 and there's a whole lot of
7:12
inequality in our country that's going
7:14
to affect students long before then and
7:16
so we talk of course as a policy matter
7:18
about how to deal with all that
7:20
inequality but it's a reality of the
7:22
situation especially at this highly
7:24
selective level they're going to be some
7:26
students that just aren't academically
7:28
prepared so that's going to shape the
7:30
set of students that these colleges can
7:32
recruit or admit one of the main
7:34
questions that you address in the paper
7:36
is do highly selective colleges amplify
7:38
the Persistence of privilege across
7:40
Generations by taking students from high
7:42
income families and helping them obtain
7:44
High status high-paying leadership
7:46
positions what do your results suggest
7:49
so that's exactly the kind of broad goal
7:52
of our paper to answer that question and
7:55
I think unfortunately the answer is that
7:57
on average yes do amplify the
8:00
Persistence of privilege that comes from
8:03
two different parts so first of all the
8:06
students who attend these colleges we
8:09
measure a pretty large causal effect on
8:13
their outcomes specifically in these
8:15
leadership positions as adults of course
8:18
the students are very highly selected
8:20
when they come in and so even if the
8:22
colleges weren't doing anything you'd
8:24
expect these set of students to be doing
8:27
some impressive things afterwards but
8:29
what we find and we can talk about more
8:31
of the details of how we do this later
8:33
there's a very large causal effect and
8:35
so these universities it's not just that
8:39
a large share of senators come from them
8:42
they do seem to be very important
8:44
pipeline effect where it's really
8:46
propelling students up into these
8:47
leadership positions now on the
8:49
admission side who are the students that
8:52
are coming into this setad of
8:53
Institutions that are benefiting from
8:55
this really positive effect the problem
8:58
here is that even relative to the
9:01
distribution of test scores for high
9:04
school graduating seniors which as we
9:06
talked about before exhibit a whole
9:10
amount of inequality due to differences
9:12
in education and neighborhoods that
9:14
different students from different
9:15
backgrounds have been exposed to before
9:18
they're applying to college even just
9:20
looking at students that have the very
9:22
same test scores High income students
9:25
are substantially more likely to be
9:28
admitted to an attend these institutions
9:31
relative to lower inome students and
9:33
especially middle inome students the
9:35
gaps are largest When comparing students
9:37
from very high income families to
9:39
students from middle class upper middle
9:41
class families and in your study you tie
9:44
some of the selection process to
9:46
athletic scholarships to Legacy students
9:48
as well as attendance at private high
9:50
schools could you talk a little bit
9:52
about how those factors influence the
9:54
decisions sure so the approach that we
9:58
take is a decomposition of this pipeline
10:02
we see that students are coming in with
10:05
let's just say everybody has the same
10:07
test score group of students at the
10:08
beginning we see that the students from
10:11
high-income families are more likely to
10:13
end up attending this set of schools at
10:15
the end of the day we're going to try to
10:17
decompose where in the pipeline these
10:21
disparities are emerging and so the way
10:23
we first start is actually at a somewhat
10:25
higher level than you asked the question
10:28
which is just to decompose these
10:30
differences between the application
10:32
Phase which of the set of students with
10:34
a given test score applies to these
10:36
institutions the admissions phase of
10:38
those students with that given set of
10:40
test scores that applied which are
10:42
admitted and then the matriculation or
10:44
the yield phase of those that are
10:46
admitted who's actually going to choose
10:47
to come at the end of the day and what I
10:50
found interesting coming into this
10:51
project is that there are many different
10:55
analyses or ideas about how each of
10:57
those three phases could be affecting
11:00
there's concerns about who has the
11:02
information or the resources to apply
11:05
there's concerns about potential biases
11:07
in the admissions process from some of
11:09
the factors that you mentioned Legacy
11:11
preferences or private schools and
11:13
there's a concern that maybe schools
11:15
aren't offering financial aid that's
11:17
sufficient in order for students from
11:19
less affluent families to attend in our
11:22
data we see that about 2third of that
11:26
entire disparity is coming from the
11:28
admission part of that alone so that's
11:31
not all of it but I mean just to give
11:33
some numbers there are about 250
11:37
students from the top 1% of the parental
11:40
income distribution who are in an
11:43
average starting first year class that's
11:46
about 1 1650 students so right there
11:48
about 15% of the class is coming from
11:50
the top 1% of families of those 250 we
11:54
find that about 160 of them are extra in
11:58
the sense that that if everyone attended
12:00
at the same rate when they have the same
12:03
test score there would only be about 90
12:05
students from the top 1% of families and
12:08
so then of That 160 about a hundred are
12:12
coming from the fact that high income
12:14
students are more likely to be admitted
12:16
there are smaller effects coming from
12:19
differences in application rates even
12:21
smaller effects coming from differences
12:23
in matriculation rates but primarily the
12:26
differences are coming through the
12:27
admissions process and even before we
12:30
get into specific policies I think that
12:32
that decomposition is incredibly
12:33
important because the admissions process
12:36
is the one part of this that schools
12:38
entirely control themselves if you want
12:40
more people to apply to your school
12:43
that's hard because applications are the
12:44
students decision you have to go out and
12:46
convince a bunch of students to apply if
12:48
you want to get more students to yield
12:49
to matriculate you have to convince
12:51
those students it's their decision the
12:53
choice about who to admit it's just the
12:55
school's choice this is the one lever
12:58
that the schools entirely control and so
13:00
the fact that most of the disparities
13:02
are explained by this set of policies on
13:05
the one hand maybe that's a good thing
13:08
that they control and maybe can directly
13:11
fix what is the source of the problem on
13:14
the other hand it's a little bit
13:16
discouraging that it's in the choice of
13:19
these own universities that these
13:20
disparities are being created despite
13:22
what are typically loudly voiced
13:25
concerns for upper Mobility so it's
13:27
really the admissions process matters
13:30
now we then go down to the next level
13:32
and this gets to the factors that you
13:34
mentioned why is it that a high-income
13:37
student with a 1400 test score is going
13:40
to be admitted at a higher rate than a
13:43
middle-income student or a low-income
13:44
student with a 1400 test score and even
13:46
just to start with in some sense the dog
13:49
that didn't bark here you might have
13:51
thought that students with a 1400 from
13:55
low-income families they might even be
13:59
more impressive that they got to that
14:00
level despite facing all of these
14:02
barriers but we see that admissions
14:04
rates are in fact much higher for
14:06
high-income students and we Trace that
14:09
back to three factors the first and most
14:12
important factor about 40% of what's
14:15
going on is the preference for legacy
14:18
students those are students who are
14:19
children of alumni of the institution
14:23
now Legacy students affect the
14:25
admissions rate of high-income
14:27
individuals for two reasons one is
14:29
pretty obvious the alumni of these
14:31
institutions themselves are just much
14:32
more likely to be high income it's kind
14:34
of the generation before we're getting
14:36
the same positive effect of attendance
14:39
but the second reason I think was a
14:41
little bit more surprising to me it
14:43
turns out that Legacy students from high
14:46
income families receive a substantially
14:49
larger admissions boost even than
14:52
legacies from lower income families so
14:55
there's kind of a preference for high
14:57
income students even within the Legacy
15:00
pool and you put those two things
15:02
together and that accounts for about 40%
15:04
of the admissions difference the second
15:07
factor is the fact that all of these
15:11
schools designate about somewhere
15:14
between 12 and 15% of their class for
15:17
athletic recruits now there's nothing
15:19
inherent in athletics that means that it
15:23
has to be students from high- income
15:25
families and in fact if you look at the
15:27
distribution of athletic recruits at
15:30
public universities those students
15:32
mirror the income distribution of most
15:34
of the other students at the school in
15:36
the sense that there's not a tilt
15:37
towards high-income families but at
15:39
private institutions the share of
15:42
admitted students that are ethletic
15:44
recruits among High income families is
15:46
significantly higher more like 13 14%
15:49
than it is among admitted students from
15:52
low income families where only five or
15:54
six% of those students are athletes now
15:58
why is this the case I was an athlete in
16:00
college myself and I don't think that
16:03
it's just because kids from higher inome
16:05
families are more athletically talented
16:08
I think it has to do first with the
16:11
resources that are available to these
16:14
kids becoming a college baseball player
16:16
isn't just about having good hand eye
16:18
coordination it's about being able to
16:20
attend clinics being part of a travel
16:22
team there's like a lot of stuff that
16:24
goes along with being able to get to
16:26
that level and then I think the second
16:28
factor is that the set of sports that
16:32
are offered by many of these
16:34
institutions go well beyond the
16:37
canonical football basketball baseball
16:40
which may be a little bit more
16:42
broad-based but they also include sports
16:46
like water polo or sailing or equestrian
16:49
and these are sports where I'm sure that
16:52
there are examples of athletes from all
16:54
across the income distribution but I
16:56
think they tend to skew towards more
16:59
High income families so athletic
17:01
recruits are the second major chunk and
17:04
then the third is what my friend David
17:07
leonhard of the New York Times likes to
17:09
call Private School polish a lot of what
17:12
these schools focus on in the admissions
17:14
process goes beyond just how
17:18
academically prepared people are and
17:20
they really like to see somebody who's
17:22
doing interesting things that could be
17:24
as part of extracurriculars that could
17:26
be the way they spend their summer could
17:28
be the way that teachers write about the
17:32
students or that guidance counselors
17:34
write about the students and all of this
17:37
gets channeled through a students
17:39
evaluation on nonacademic
17:42
factors and what we see there is that
17:45
not only are students from high-income
17:47
families much more likely to get very
17:50
strong non-academic ratings that seems
17:53
to flow through things like
17:55
recommendation letters that are really
17:58
centered at the school level and just
18:01
more generally you find if you compare
18:03
high and low income students who are
18:04
attending the same school you no longer
18:07
see this disparity in non-academic
18:10
ratings and so our sense is that these
18:13
other broader factors that kind of seep
18:15
into the admissions process are
18:16
accounting for the Third Leg of this
18:20
tripod that's giving High income
18:22
students an advantage in the admissions
18:23
process and some parents are probably
18:26
sending their students to more elite
18:27
private schools in the hope that that
18:29
will enhance their prospects and the
18:32
schools that accept them recognize that
18:34
one of the reasons students are going
18:36
there is because they prepare them
18:37
better for selection in a more
18:40
prestigious institution I think that's
18:42
exactly right I think it's not just
18:44
parents and schools the fact that
18:47
colleges place a substantial weight on
18:50
these nonacademic
18:52
factors which then can be kind of
18:55
trained for and developed over the years
18:58
I think this is really a major force
19:02
that shapes the way that parents and
19:05
kids and lots of organizations in
19:08
society direct their resources so let me
19:11
just give you an example here I was
19:13
presenting this paper at UC Berkeley the
19:16
economics department and a friend of
19:18
mine who lives in San Francisco who's a
19:20
professor there sent me a picture of an
19:23
advertisement on the side of the road
19:26
like kind of billboard on the side of
19:27
the road for A Fencing Academy it's
19:29
called the saber school and it says a
19:32
safe fun sport that will help colon what
19:36
are the things that doing saber will
19:38
help well number one it will enhance
19:40
performance at work in school okay that
19:42
sounds plausible number two it will
19:44
enhance speed coordination and
19:46
decisiveness number three it will help
19:48
you get accepted at top us colleges it's
19:51
like right there on the billboard and so
19:54
if you want to fence as a kid that's
19:56
totally fine and some people are going
19:58
to really enjoy it but the fact that
20:01
colleges value this and so now all sorts
20:03
of people are spending their time
20:05
fencing simply because they think it
20:07
will help their college application I
20:09
find that to be a little bit silly I
20:10
don't think we would have found that
20:11
billboard in my
20:14
neighborhood although if you brought a
20:16
saber to work you might get more
20:18
attention that raises a whole set of
20:20
other
20:21
issues in your study you also examine
20:24
admission rates at highly selective
20:26
public colleges do there admissions also
20:29
favor students from high income
20:30
households over lwi income households
20:33
when other student characteristics are
20:35
held constant yeah so the public most
20:37
selective institutions they provide a
20:40
really interesting contrast to the
20:42
private schools and there really two
20:44
differences the first difference is that
20:47
it's still true that students from high
20:49
income families with the same test score
20:51
are more likely to be attending these
20:53
places like UC Berkeley or Michigan than
20:55
students from lower income families but
20:58
it's not the Super concentration in the
21:02
top 1% the top 1% are about 20% more
21:06
likely to attend but so are the top 5%
21:08
and roughly top 10% it's more kind of a
21:10
broad top of the income distribution
21:11
than kind of the Uber Rich that are
21:13
benefiting from this then second when
21:16
you do the decomposition that we do at
21:19
the private schools you find that in
21:22
fact it's not the admissions process the
21:25
chances of admission for students with a
21:26
given test score are almost identical
21:28
across the income distribution if
21:30
anything slightly higher for lower
21:32
income students the big differences come
21:35
in the fraction of students who apply to
21:37
these schools you see almost all of the
21:41
over attendance is explained by higher
21:44
application rates of high-income
21:45
students and so that really points to a
21:47
very different part of Pipeline and I
21:50
think there's a whole other set of
21:51
issues that you kind of policy concerns
21:53
that that brings up just to cite some
21:56
fantastic work in this space by by my
21:59
colleague at Harvard Sue dinari she and
22:02
a number of co-authors have worked with
22:04
the University of Michigan over the past
22:05
10 years on something called the hail
22:08
scholarship and this program is really
22:11
focused on this application Phase where
22:14
they reach out to students who are doing
22:16
very well in Michigan public schools and
22:19
who are not from high income families
22:22
and they not just inform the students
22:25
about the University of Michigan but
22:26
they provide a simplified form of
22:29
financial aid that's a tiny bit more
22:30
generous but just mostly clearer there
22:32
basically guarantee of zero for four
22:34
years and that seems to have really
22:37
large effects big increases in the share
22:39
of students who are applying who receive
22:41
these types of Flyers that then carries
22:44
through to those that are admitted and
22:45
those that end up matriculating and so
22:47
first of all it's really interesting
22:49
that there are some sense different
22:51
problems these different schools but
22:53
also I think it's a nice lesson that
22:56
even among two different schools which
22:58
are objectively at the very top of the
23:00
US higher educational sector there are
23:04
really important differences in terms of
23:06
how these different institutions operate
23:08
and what types of policies are going to
23:09
be most appropriate for increasing
23:13
diversity of students and social
23:14
Mobility at those places is the rate of
23:17
return to education significantly
23:18
different between the IV plus
23:20
institutions and Elite public
23:22
institutions the answer is yes but it's
23:26
different in a very particular way so in
23:29
our data what we find using a bunch of
23:31
different empirical approaches is that
23:35
students that attend these IV plus
23:38
institutions are significantly more
23:41
likely to be at the very top of the
23:42
income distribution to attend an elite
23:44
graduate school to hold a very
23:46
prestigious job they're much more likely
23:48
to do that than students who attend the
23:50
very most selective of the public
23:53
institutions those public institutions
23:55
in turn are significantly better at
23:58
propelling students to these leadership
23:59
positions than lower rated less selected
24:03
public institutions and so it is both
24:05
true that those public institutions are
24:06
very good and also true that these IV
24:09
plus schools are really quite a bit
24:11
better that's focusing on these topend
24:15
leadership positions if you look Instead
24:18
at something like what's the chance that
24:22
you'll be in the top 20% of the income
24:24
distribution so for kids in their early
24:27
30s that's earning more than about
24:29
$60,000 so that's a good solid
24:32
professional job you don't have to be a
24:33
hedge fund manager there attending these
24:36
IV plus schools is not really going to
24:37
make that much of a difference and the
24:39
reason is that at that point in the
24:41
income distribution that's just not what
24:44
these schools are designed for you're
24:46
quite likely to get a job that's going
24:48
to pay more than that from an IV Leal
24:49
school you're also quite likely to get a
24:51
job that pays more from that at one of
24:52
these Elite public institutions there
24:54
are differences in average income but
24:56
it's really d driven by this kind of a
24:59
lottery ticket that you're getting on
25:01
maybe you're going to be really just an
25:03
extreme leader again either very top of
25:05
the income distribution very prestigious
25:07
firm so the answer is yes these schools
25:10
differ but they primarily differ in this
25:12
particular way which is why we've placed
25:15
the emphasis on leadership rather than
25:18
just kind of broad Economic Security
25:19
it's not clear that students from IV
25:22
plus schools are just broadly more
25:24
economically secure in that middle of
25:26
the income distribution than from public
25:28
schools you also examined in this paper
25:31
what would be the effects if the
25:32
admission process at the more Elite
25:34
institutions were similar to that at
25:38
highly selective public institutions
25:40
what do you find there in terms of the
25:42
income diversity of students in the IV
25:44
plus institutions if those preferences
25:46
were eliminated yeah so we're able to
25:50
simulate exactly as you say what would
25:53
these classes look like at least
25:54
probabilistically if the admissions
25:56
office were to place less weight on some
25:58
of these factors and it makes a
26:01
meaningful difference so just to give
26:03
you one
26:05
statistic currently on average they are
26:08
a bit less than 60% of students at these
26:11
schools that come from the bottom 95% of
26:14
the income distribution those are
26:15
families making less than call at
26:17
$250,000 a year if you were to get rid
26:20
of all these three preferences that I've
26:22
talked about if you were to remove
26:24
preferences for legacy students just to
26:26
be clear on what that means we're just
26:28
going to admit them based on all the
26:29
other characteristics often times
26:31
they're great students but we're just
26:32
not going to give them an extra boost
26:33
for being a legacy student if we were to
26:37
remove this seeming bias that arises in
26:40
the process where higher inome students
26:43
are getting stronger non-academic
26:45
ratings and if you were to not
26:48
necessarily remove Athletics but just
26:50
make the athletes look like all the
26:52
other students so there's not this tilt
26:54
towards High income students among
26:56
athletes you would increase the share of
26:58
students from the bottom 95% from a bit
27:01
less than 60 up to about 70% a bit less
27:04
than 70 and so what does that mean in
27:06
practice again there about 1,600 1650
27:09
students in the average entering first
27:12
year class we're talking about another
27:14
150 160 students from more modest
27:17
backgrounds and of course this is not an
27:20
enormous change but it's on the same
27:22
order as people are talking about when
27:25
we think about what's the difference in
27:27
student bodies that might come from
27:30
changes in racial preferences and
27:32
admissions flowing from the Supreme
27:34
Court decision it's on a similar
27:36
magnitude we're going to have 100 maybe
27:37
150 fewer students of color on campus
27:41
and I think it not only affects the
27:44
diversity on campus I think it also
27:47
meaningfully affects the role that these
27:49
schools are playing in upward Mobility
27:52
particularly to these leadership
27:54
positions you make some admittedly
27:57
heroic assumptions and kind of flow
27:59
things through this type of change is
28:01
going to make another two or three US
28:04
senators from the middle class instead
28:06
of from very high income backgrounds and
28:10
let's not overstate this like it's only
28:11
two or three Senators but for a set of
28:14
decisions that literally 12 people can
28:16
decide to make if they want to I think
28:18
that's pretty impressive and that
28:19
doesn't even think about well what if
28:21
the Northwestern and the nyus of the
28:24
world decided to make some of these
28:25
changes as well so my sense is that
28:28
we're not going to remake Society by
28:30
doing this but it's a pretty lwh hanging
28:32
fruit and thing to say is it just from a
28:34
policy perspective you can achieve the
28:37
same differences in the admissions pool
28:40
either by getting rid of the preferences
28:42
that are afforded to high-income
28:44
students or by introducing new
28:47
preferences that benefit students from
28:50
low and middle-income families that are
28:52
particularly academically strong and
28:54
what we show in the paper we kind of
28:56
calibrate it we say like if you were to
28:57
introduce a new preference specifically
29:00
designed to get exactly the same mix of
29:02
students that you would get from
29:03
eliminating these preferences what you
29:05
would need is a preference for low and
29:09
middle-income students that is weaker
29:12
than the preference even that current
29:14
admissions offices put in place for
29:16
legacy students so Legacy students on
29:18
average are about three or four times
29:19
more likely to be admitted you'd need
29:22
really strong academic students from low
29:24
and middle- income backgrounds to be on
29:26
average about twice as likely to be ad
29:27
and that would be a big change but it's
29:29
not like these are changes that go well
29:31
beyond the type of preferences that are
29:33
already in place in the admissions
29:36
process and seemingly pretty
29:39
actionable yeah I mean look I think that
29:42
this is a particular moment of fluidity
29:45
in higher education admissions because
29:48
of the Supreme Court decision people are
29:51
not just reconsidering how to think
29:53
about diversity that's kind of the
29:55
direct effect but once you open up the
29:59
the gearbox I think it then becomes
30:01
natural to rethink a lot of different
30:02
things when it comes to admissions both
30:05
because once there's a process it's
30:07
easier to think about other stuff and
30:09
also because I think that having a
30:10
preference for students from
30:12
overwhelmingly high-income families
30:14
becomes increasingly awkward when you're
30:15
no longer allowed to give preferences
30:18
for students who are clearly
30:20
experiencing very large disparities in
30:22
the run up to college so I think almost
30:25
all colleges are really strongly
30:28
considering a bunch of this stuff some
30:30
of them are doing so in publicly
30:32
announced committees here at Brown
30:34
University I serve on a committee
30:36
including both faculty and trustees that
30:39
are thinking about a bunch of these
30:40
issues other universities are doing it
30:42
more internally only trustees maybe they
30:44
include students all the universities
30:46
are doing this in a different set of
30:48
ways and I wouldn't be surprised if we
30:50
see more change in the way College
30:53
admissions works over the next year or
30:56
two than we've seen in a long time and
30:59
so yeah hard to know what will happen
31:00
but these are an incredibly important
31:02
set of issues to consider and I hope
31:06
we've been able to contribute to that
31:07
debate as an academic all you can ask
31:09
for is that people will listen policiy
31:11
is up to them there's a lot of factors
31:13
that go in it that go beyond the
31:14
research but we've been really both in
31:16
public and had a lot of conversations
31:18
with University leaders about how to
31:20
think about these issues so whatever the
31:22
decision is I'm confident it'll be made
31:23
on the basis of what I hope is a better
31:26
set of analyses an understanding for
31:28
what's going on than we had before
31:29
before I think everyone expected that
31:32
these types of results were occurring
31:33
but I don't think it was really clear
31:35
how large the magnitude was and your
31:37
study certainly contributes to that
31:39
knowledge having data like this and
31:42
these results I think will put more
31:43
pressure on institutions to change than
31:46
just the general suspicion that they
31:48
were privileging a very elite group of
31:51
students one of the things you note in
31:53
the study is that making these changes
31:55
will lead to a more diverse leadership
31:57
ship pool but it may not have as much of
31:59
an effect on intergenerational income
32:01
Mobility could you talk a little bit
32:03
about that that's exactly right and I
32:05
think that stems from some of the themes
32:09
we've been talking about where the role
32:12
that these schools play in
32:14
intergenerational Mobility to leadership
32:17
positions that's potentially very large
32:20
but they're just too small to play a
32:23
role in addressing some of the very
32:26
Broad
32:27
differences in equality of opportunity
32:30
that we see in this country other than
32:32
through kind of the indirect Channel
32:34
which is that I think when you have
32:36
individuals in these leadership
32:37
positions that come from a broader range
32:39
of backgrounds you're more likely to get
32:41
policy that's made in a way that takes
32:43
into account some of these effects and
32:45
so that actually leads to some of the
32:49
research that we're really now focusing
32:51
on which is that when you think about
32:54
intergenerational mobility and higher
32:55
education an initial paper that I wrote
32:57
on this decomposed the problem into what
33:01
we called access that's who's attending
33:03
and the success what happens to the
33:05
students that attend you need both of
33:07
them to be working together to have
33:08
intergeneration Mobility if either of
33:10
them is absent then you have less
33:12
mobility and what we found was that
33:15
different types of Institutions seem to
33:17
have problems in different areas so
33:20
institutions that were highly selective
33:23
not only the IV plus institutions but
33:25
honestly also some of the public
33:26
institutions in the country their lack
33:29
of effect on mobility in large part was
33:31
coming from the relatively undiverse set
33:34
of students on an income Dimension that
33:36
were attending their schools many of
33:38
these schools again both public and
33:40
private the share of students Come From
33:42
The Bottom 20% of the income
33:44
distribution is really just three or 4
33:46
perc really not large at all so we
33:48
really wanted to separate the question
33:51
for these institutions of how do you
33:53
improve Mobility through increasing
33:55
access with the situation for what is a
33:59
very different set of Institutions not
34:01
just the elite public institutions but
34:03
some of the Open Access institutions the
34:04
community colleges where there not that
34:07
access can't be improved but I think
34:10
much more the problem is that in many
34:13
cases students are attending these
34:14
institutions and not being propelled
34:16
upwards in the income distribution in
34:17
the way that we would hope and so that's
34:19
really now what we're focusing on how
34:21
can we first measure in a very broad way
34:24
what these different institutions and
34:27
programs are doing in order to propel
34:28
students up the income ladder really
34:31
give them the the skills the human
34:33
capital the social capital in order to
34:34
get good paying jobs and move upwards
34:37
after that in their career and then what
34:40
are the policy levers that you would
34:42
pull in order to improve that the way I
34:45
like to think about this is suppose that
34:47
you gave the governor of california10
34:50
billion to improve upward mobility and
34:52
education in his state would you want to
34:56
get get more people going to Cal State
34:58
instead of the California community
35:00
colleges is it important that you not
35:02
only go to a cal state is it important
35:04
that you go to a particular Cal State is
35:05
it important that you have a particular
35:07
program are some programs much more
35:09
effective than others should we be
35:11
encouraging more people to go to
35:12
community colleges even if that Coston
35:14
has fewer people going to Cal State do
35:16
we want more people to start a community
35:17
colleges and transfer up to Cal State do
35:20
we want more people to not start at
35:22
community colleges because it's better
35:23
if you start directly C State there's
35:25
all these different questions there's
35:27
been some great research on different
35:28
aspects of it but I think with the data
35:31
that we have we're hoping to provide a
35:33
more unifying framework to think about
35:35
what are the particular places where
35:37
there's more or less success for
35:40
students again defined as like the
35:41
causal effect of attending these places
35:43
and how can we expose more students to
35:46
high success environments either by
35:47
moving them around or by changing what
35:49
the programs are in your intro we
35:51
mentioned that you were a member of the
35:53
US Treasury Council on racial equity and
35:56
the co-director ctor of opportunity
35:57
insights could you talk a little bit
35:59
about what these organizations do so
36:02
opportunity insights is a research and
36:05
policy organization that I run jointly
36:08
with my co-authors Nathan hendren and
36:11
Raj chedy and what we're doing there is
36:15
trying to put together a research agenda
36:17
to understand upward Mobility both from
36:20
an academic and a policy perspective
36:23
research that involves this kind of big
36:25
data has evolved over the last decades
36:29
to almost look more like a science lab
36:32
where it's very team oriented it's not a
36:35
professor and her keyboard or chalkboard
36:38
just kind of plugging away in isolation
36:40
anymore and opportunity insights is a
36:43
way for us to organize all of that team
36:45
in terms of there are other faculty that
36:48
we collaborate with there are graduate
36:49
students we collaborate with there are
36:51
research assistants we collaborate with
36:52
there are visitors at all the different
36:54
levels that we collaborate with and so
36:56
opportunity insights is really the
36:58
organization through which we just do a
37:00
lot of This research and try to
37:02
translate it to help policy makers and
37:04
whatever that means depending on the
37:06
research the treasury advisory Council
37:08
on racial Equity is very very different
37:11
treasury is one of the largest agencies
37:14
in the federal government and it has
37:17
many different policies that directly or
37:20
indirectly affect racial equity in ways
37:23
that are obvious or not obvious and the
37:26
purpose of this advisory council is to
37:30
bring together people from many
37:32
different aspects of society that are
37:35
relevant to treasury's financial
37:38
policymaking so there are a couple of
37:40
academics on the committee like me but
37:43
there are also people who run financial
37:46
institutions there are people who run
37:48
nonprofits that deal with financial
37:49
institutions people who run
37:51
non-financial institutions more
37:53
businesses and the idea is to be a group
37:57
that can both proactively offer
38:00
suggestions to treasury in terms of how
38:03
they can change things either out of
38:05
blue sky or on particular policies that
38:08
are undergoing active policymaking as
38:11
well as a resource for them to turn to
38:13
when they say look like we're trying to
38:15
figure out example is a lot of the focus
38:18
of Treasury over the last two years has
38:20
been the implementation of the IRA bill
38:22
which includes a lot of tax incentives
38:25
for green investment how can they
38:28
Implement all of those tax credits how
38:30
can they write all those regulations in
38:32
a way that really does so to support
38:36
racial equity and to make sure that
38:39
Black and Hispanic and Native
38:41
individuals are not left behind in a way
38:43
that unfortunately has been too often
38:45
the case in our nation's history so
38:48
that's far from a full-time role we meet
38:50
once a quarter in public meetings and
38:51
try to offer our suggestions and even
38:53
again the suggestions span how treasury
38:56
should Implement different regulations
38:58
from even how treasury can make research
39:01
on racial Equity more accessible or make
39:04
data more accessible to support more
39:06
research so that there's more broad
39:08
knowledge when it comes time for policym
39:11
you're doing some really exciting and
39:12
interesting things thank you thanks so
39:15
much for your work and sharing it with
39:17
us today but we always wrap up by asking
39:19
what's next so I talked about some of
39:22
the work in the college space but I'm
39:25
trying to think about
39:27
other parts of upward Mobility as well
39:31
to understand how environments or
39:35
policies contribute to these disparities
39:37
or what policies can help alleviate them
39:39
and the big theme in some of my recent
39:42
work is to try to broaden our measure of
39:45
Mobility to go beyond these purely
39:48
economic measures it's a natural place
39:51
to start both because having a higher
39:53
income is something that is kind of
39:55
meaningfully related to the quality of
39:57
one's life and also because it's pretty
40:00
consistent data to measure income but I
40:02
think even economists will admit to you
40:04
that income is not the end of it and
40:07
we're trying to think about other ways
40:09
not only to measure people's well-being
40:12
thinking about health thinking about
40:14
social capital for instance but also to
40:16
measure folks influence on broader
40:19
Society so there are Physicians like
40:22
entrepreneurs or scientists inventors
40:26
that that if we generate more innovation
40:29
in society that's not something that
40:31
just benefits the individual inventor
40:32
it's something that benefits Society
40:34
much more broadly and so I think that's
40:37
not only very important as kind of an
40:39
alternative economic outcome but it's
40:41
important to thinking about why
40:43
something like social Mobility goes
40:45
beyond merely thinking about well each
40:48
individual should have their fair chance
40:50
of success these are ways in which just
40:53
society as a whole is better more
40:56
Innovative more engaged when there's
40:59
more upper mobility and and that way I
41:01
think it's really a rising tide that can
41:03
lift all boats so that's a little bit of
41:06
what I've been thinking about recently
41:07
well thank you for taking the time to
41:09
join us we really enjoyed this
41:10
conversation and we really as Rebecca
41:13
said appreciate all the work that you've
41:14
been doing thank you so much it's really
41:16
been a pleasure to talk with you about
41:18
all this work over the last hour and I
41:20
appreciate
41:25
that
41:27
if you've enjoyed this podcast Please
41:29
Subscribe and leave a review on iTunes
41:32
or your favorite podcast service to
41:34
continue the conversation join us on our
41:37
t for teing Facebook page you can find
41:39
show notes transcripts and other
41:41
materials on tfor teaching.com
41:45
music by Michael Gary
41:48
Brewer editing assistance by
41:55
ganes
42:06
C
Podchaser is the ultimate destination for podcast data, search, and discovery. Learn More