0:09

Hello, and welcome back to the History

0:11

of Egypt podcast. Episode

0:13

191. Libya

0:16

Minus One. Today

0:19

we explore an incident in the reign of Seti

0:21

I. The king of Egypt

0:23

and his army go forth into the

0:25

west. They are to

0:28

wage war, take prisoners, and plunder

0:30

all they can. It

0:32

is an episode of military conquest,

0:34

enslavement, and offerings to the great

0:36

gods. The

0:46

year was 1298 BCE, approximately. Regnal

0:50

year 6, under the

0:53

majesty of King Menma'at-Ra,

0:56

Seti I, the ruler of Egypt, was

0:58

now half a decade into his reign.

1:01

Previously, the king had led

1:03

numerous campaigns and wars in

1:05

the northern regions of Canaan

1:07

and Syria. He had

1:09

attacked, subjugated, and battled against

1:12

numerous foes. And

1:14

every time, he had returned in

1:16

glorious victory. At

1:18

least, that is the image we

1:20

get from Seti's royal monuments. The

1:23

great temple of Karnak in the

1:25

modern city of Luxor contains a

1:28

full suite of Seti's war reliefs.

1:31

Here, on the outer walls of

1:33

the king's hypostyle hall, we

1:35

find many scenes of the pharaoh going

1:37

to battle. Most of

1:39

these images seem to focus on the north.

1:42

The series of campaigns that

1:44

King Seti led into the

1:46

lands of Sinai, Canaan, Lebanon,

1:48

and Syria. Across the

1:50

wall at Karnak, most of Seti's images

1:53

deal with this region. But

1:55

among those scenes, there is

1:58

one geographic outlier. A

2:00

scene in which Seti does not

2:02

go north, but rather wages war

2:04

in the west. Seti's

2:06

Libyan war is a strange interlude

2:09

in his Karnak war reliefs. It's

2:11

the only scene out of all

2:13

the surviving areas that shows a

2:15

campaign somewhere other than the north.

2:18

Amidst all his glorious conquests,

2:20

Seti suddenly makes a detour to

2:22

attack the Libyans. The

2:25

war itself is depicted in

2:27

four major scenes, showing Seti

2:29

attacking the Libyans, defeating their

2:31

chieftains, gathering up prisoners, and

2:33

then presenting his victory to

2:35

the gods. It is

2:37

a whirlwind of military and religious

2:39

imagery. The scene itself is

2:42

large and quite elaborate, and before we

2:44

begin I should note, if

2:46

you want to see these images, and all

2:48

of Seti's war reliefs, you can

2:50

find a study by the University of

2:53

Chicago, which is available free on their

2:55

website. I'll put a link

2:57

in the episode description should you wish to follow

2:59

along. Seti's Libyan war

3:01

stands out from his other images

3:04

in certain key respects. As

3:06

I noted, it's the only scene not

3:08

dealing with a northern battle or campaign.

3:11

Additionally, it's one of the scenes

3:13

that does not include any specific

3:15

date or definitive point of reference.

3:18

Seti's attack on Libya could technically

3:20

have happened any time during his

3:23

reign, and different scholars have placed

3:25

it around different points in the

3:27

story. For micronology, I

3:29

am following the record of

3:31

Professor Anthony Spallinger, who is

3:33

the foremost expert on Egyptian

3:35

warfare and the history of

3:37

pharaonic campaigns. In

3:39

1979 Spallinger published a study

3:41

of Seti's war reliefs, and

3:43

made a reconstruction of their

3:45

most likely historical sequence. In

3:48

his account, the attack on Libya

3:50

probably took place somewhere around year

3:53

6. That would put

3:55

this war approximately in 1298 BCE, at least in

4:00

version of the ancient chronology. Other

4:02

scholars may give different dates for

4:04

this particular event, which is perfectly

4:06

legitimate. But I am following Spallinger,

4:08

so I'm going with year 6.

4:11

Putting aside the date, the rough

4:13

historical context for this war is

4:15

even harder to pin down. As

4:18

we will see later in the episode, historians

4:21

and archaeologists really don't know

4:23

much about the ancient Libyans.

4:26

In fact, most of what we do

4:28

know comes from Egyptian sources, sources

4:31

like the battle reliefs of King

4:33

Seti I. As a

4:35

result, our information is extremely one-sided,

4:37

and paints a very negative picture

4:40

of these ancient peoples. So,

4:42

as always, take Seti's references and

4:45

images with a grain of salt.

4:47

The Egyptian pharaohs have their own

4:50

agenda and ideas which they are

4:52

pursuing when they create these monuments.

4:55

The campaign into Libya is

4:57

artistically and historically complicated, but

4:59

it is also fascinating, and

5:01

an excellent example of Egyptian

5:04

ideology and their relationships with

5:06

the outside world. Enough

5:09

introduction. Let us begin, the War

5:11

of Seti I in the Western Lands

5:14

of Libya. Seti's

5:17

images of the Libyan war begin

5:19

like that. We find

5:21

the king upon his chariot charging

5:23

into battle, the enemy tumble about,

5:25

thrown down by the pharaoh's onslaught.

5:28

The king is a skilled warrior. He

5:30

has tied the chariot reins around his

5:32

waist, and with his free

5:35

hands, he wields a kopesh sword

5:37

and a bow and arrow simultaneously.

5:39

The war cart bounces on the terrain,

5:42

but Seti has taken precautions. From

5:44

the handle of his kopesh sword, there is

5:46

a strap of leather which is tied around

5:49

his wrist, keeping the blade close to him

5:51

should it fall from his hand. On his

5:53

back, he carries a quiver, which is now

5:56

empty of arrows, but another quiver is attached

5:58

to the body of the chariot. and

6:00

this one is still full. The king

6:03

has clearly fired at least one volley

6:05

of arrows, and now he uses his

6:07

bow as a melee weapon. The

6:09

king reaches out, catching a Libyan chieftain in the

6:12

string of his bow, and

6:14

ensnaring him like a deer or gazelle. From

6:17

the get-go, the scene conveys an

6:19

image of unstoppable force, as

6:21

the king, larger than life, and

6:24

towering over his enemies, rides forward

6:26

into the melee, driving all before

6:28

him. Naturally, the

6:30

enemy themselves are incapable of

6:33

withstanding the attack. The

6:35

Libyans tumble over one another, forming a

6:37

chaotic mess as the horses and the

6:40

war-cart of Zeti drive over the top

6:42

of them. The Libyan chieftain,

6:44

the largest figure in their group,

6:46

stands in front of Zeti's horses,

6:48

where he has been caught by

6:50

the Pharaoh's bow. He raises

6:52

his arms begging for mercy, but the

6:55

king is showing none. Today,

6:57

the scene has lost almost all

6:59

its colour, but tiny traces

7:02

do survive, and archaeologists can compare

7:04

these images with other ones that

7:07

are known from tombs and artefacts.

7:10

In one reconstruction by the British

7:12

Museum, we have a brightly painted

7:14

version of the scene. Here,

7:16

the Libyans are coloured yellow, they

7:18

wear long cloaks, which are knotted

7:20

around the neck, and they

7:23

sport the characteristic feather in their hair.

7:26

Each man has a side-lock of hair

7:28

running down the side of his head,

7:30

and a distinctive sheath made of leather,

7:33

which wraps around his penis. They carry

7:35

bows and arrows and short swords, but

7:38

although they are well armed and finely dressed,

7:41

these Libyans are no match for the

7:43

power of the Pharaoh. Again,

7:46

most of the colour has disappeared,

7:48

worn away by time and the

7:50

elements, but tiny traces

7:52

do survive, and scholars from

7:54

the University of Chicago have

7:56

published detailed studies of Seti's

7:58

war reliefs, including the scraps

8:00

of colour that remain. In

8:03

their description, the battle was once brightly

8:05

lit, with a green border and a

8:07

sky of deep blue. The

8:09

flash tones of Seti and his

8:11

horses were red, as were the

8:14

animal's hooves. In their description, the

8:16

Libyans themselves also had reddish skin,

8:18

which differs from the British Museum

8:20

reconstruction. The clothing of the Libyans

8:23

was a mixture of blue and

8:25

yellow stripes, greens, blue tips, and

8:27

red fringes. Seti's horses

8:29

wore blankets on their back, with

8:31

blue and green around the neck.

8:34

The king himself wore a red shirt,

8:36

but this was later changed to green.

8:39

Seti's bracelets, armlets, and collar were

8:42

blue, just like his crown, and

8:45

the quivers for his bow and arrow were

8:47

green with a blue border. The

8:49

bow itself was yellow, with green at the

8:51

middle and the ends, and the

8:53

bowstring was red, as were the reins

8:56

of his horses. So,

8:58

while today the scene has faded

9:00

to the dull yellow of sandstone,

9:02

once upon a time it was

9:04

bright and vibrant, with colours of

9:06

fertility, the green of growth, colours

9:08

of nature, the yellow desert, the

9:10

red earth, and the blue sky,

9:13

and the colours of combat, the

9:15

red of the horses, the red

9:17

of leather, the red of

9:19

spilled blood. Above

9:22

the scene of Seti charging into

9:25

battle, columns of hieroglyphs described the

9:27

event. The king's cartouches appear, with

9:29

the description of Seti as the

9:32

lord of the two lands, men

9:34

ma'adhra, the lord of appearances, Seti,

9:37

beloved of Amun, and behind the

9:39

king, a falcon, Horace, flies to

9:41

protect him, with the caption saying,

9:44

Horace, the strong of arm,

9:46

the lord who performs rituals,

9:49

may all protection, life, stability,

9:51

and dominion attend on him.

9:54

Then above the battle itself there is

9:56

a description of Seti as a triumphant

9:58

warrior and a representative of the

10:01

gods. The hieroglyphs call him,

10:03

quote, the good god,

10:05

the strong armed, the lord of

10:07

power who is valiant like Montu,

10:09

the war god. He

10:12

who fights and captures in every

10:14

foreign land, a hero

10:16

without equal, who achieves with his

10:18

strong arm, so that the

10:20

two lands know and so that the

10:23

entire land shall see. He,

10:25

Seti, is like Baal as he

10:28

treads upon the mountains. Dread

10:31

of Seti has crushed the

10:33

foreign lands. His name is

10:35

victorious, his power is strong,

10:37

and there is none who can

10:39

withstand him. Seti

10:41

rides the Libyan's fall, and

10:44

in the grim wastes of the Sahara

10:46

there is only war. The

10:54

battle continues in scene number two.

10:57

This time the conflict is far

10:59

less chaotic, with a much smaller

11:01

number of enemies. Seti

11:03

has dismounted from his chariot, and

11:05

now he marches forward on foot

11:07

to enter the fray personally and

11:09

face his enemy head on. Seti

11:12

raises a spear with one hand,

11:14

while with the other he clutches

11:16

the arm of a Libyan chieftain.

11:19

Every enemy is bending over backwards,

11:22

terrified at the onslaught of Pharaoh.

11:25

An arrow pierces the chest of

11:27

the Libyan, and clearly he is in

11:29

his last moments as Seti prepares to

11:31

plunge his spear forward right into his

11:34

heart. On the ground

11:36

another Libyan is lying on his back,

11:38

submitting like a dog to the power

11:40

of the Egyptians. The Pharaoh

11:42

takes little notice of this enemy. In

11:45

fact he steps upon him, bodily,

11:47

treading his sandals upon the Libyan's

11:49

head and knees. A

11:51

spear pierces this enemy, and he

11:53

raises his hands, feebly, in a

11:55

gesture of praise. The

11:58

image is one of total victory. The

12:00

king is unconcerned about danger. He does

12:02

not need his chariot or his horses,

12:04

for the Libyans are no longer a

12:06

threat. Hieroglyphs convey the

12:09

essence as they describe Seti,

12:12

striking down the Great Ones

12:14

or chiefs of Tehenu, one

12:16

of the Libyan tribes. Above,

12:18

additional texts describe Seti as,

12:21

The good god who overthrows

12:23

those who rebel against him,

12:25

who smites the tribesfolk and

12:27

tramples down the Mentiu or

12:30

Bedouin and the distant foreign

12:32

lands of Libya, Tehenu. He

12:35

makes a great slaughter among them,

12:37

fallen are their chiefs under the

12:39

feet of the Falcon. So shall

12:42

endure the king, the lord of

12:44

both lands, the lord of the

12:46

strong arm, Menma'atra, who tramples down

12:49

the chiefs of the foreign lands

12:51

of Libya, Tehenu. Like the

12:53

sun god Ra, may

12:55

all protection, life, stability, and

12:58

dominion attend on him. As

13:01

the second scene comes to its end,

13:04

so does the battle. In

13:06

the grand tradition of grossly

13:08

overpowered heroes, Seti meets, fights,

13:11

and defeats his enemy within

13:13

just two scenes. The

13:15

image of the chariot charge and

13:17

the single combat in which Seti

13:19

spears a chieftain, these

13:22

summarise the whole of the assault.

13:25

Notably, the Egyptian soldiers, the

13:27

army, are almost entirely

13:29

absent from these images. There

13:32

is one figure who stands in for

13:34

the collective. Standing behind

13:36

Seti as he spears the enemy

13:39

chieftain, there is the small figure

13:41

of an officer. He

13:43

carries a fan, keeping his pharaoh

13:45

cool in the breeze, and he

13:47

was once described as the troop

13:50

commander and fan bearer. So

13:52

this officer is the only figure

13:55

from the Egyptian military besides the

13:57

king himself. That might seem

13:59

a... disservice to the soldiers who

14:01

did the actual fighting. But

14:04

we should always remember, these

14:06

scenes are not photographs nor

14:08

historical documents per se. Instead,

14:11

they are more like religious

14:13

art, communicating a philosophical and

14:16

spiritual truth. In

14:18

this case, the image of Seti

14:20

alone defeating his enemies encapsulates

14:23

the idea of the Pharaoh

14:25

as a warrior, he who

14:27

is chosen by the gods

14:29

to defeat disorder, overthrow enemies,

14:31

and bring peace to Egypt.

14:34

So, while the army is absent,

14:36

we can imagine their presence behind

14:38

the scenes, and we

14:40

remember that these images on the

14:42

walls of Karnak Temple convey a

14:45

much greater idea of the king

14:47

and the gods. Speaking

14:50

of the gods, it is now time

14:52

to return to the Nile Valley. In

14:55

the second half of Seti's Libyan

14:57

campaigns, the king marches back to

15:00

his homeland, the fighting is

15:02

done, and victory is achieved.

15:05

But of course, all victory comes

15:07

from the gods, and

15:09

now that he has defeated his foes

15:11

and taken a great deal of plunder,

15:14

Seti must reward those deities

15:17

for their divine favor. We

15:24

continue the story of Seti's victory and

15:26

the defeat of the Libyans after a

15:28

short break. See you in a moment.

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see site for details. His

16:07

victory complete. Seti now returned

16:09

to Egypt. In scene number

16:11

three, we find the king in his chariot

16:13

once more. This time, the

16:15

action is directed towards the left, that

16:18

is the eastern end of the scene.

16:20

Seti rides his war cart slowly. The

16:23

horses are trotting rather than charging, and

16:26

ahead of them, long trains of prisoners

16:28

march before the pharaoh. The

16:30

Libyans walk in two ranks or

16:32

registers. They are well dressed, wearing

16:35

long robes and the distinctive feathers

16:37

in their hair. They

16:39

also have the distinctive apron or

16:41

penis sheath hanging down the front

16:43

of their outfits. The Libyans are

16:45

prisoners. The figures are bound in

16:47

distinctive ways. Some have

16:49

their elbows tied together, some

16:51

their wrists, and some raise

16:53

their arms above their heads,

16:55

twisting and contorting as if bound

16:58

tightly in this position. The

17:01

hieroglyphs describe them simply as

17:03

quote, the Great Ones, or

17:05

Weru, of the foreign hill

17:07

countries of Libya, Tienu, those

17:09

who did not know Egypt, end

17:12

quote. So the two ranks of

17:14

prisoners march slowly, bound and tied

17:17

together, and the hieroglyphs label them

17:19

as those outside of Ma'at, for

17:21

they did not know or acknowledge

17:24

the supremacy, power

17:26

and order of Egypt and

17:28

its divine rulers. The

17:31

Libyans are outlaws in the literal

17:33

sense, once they were beyond

17:35

the pharaoh's authority, but

17:37

now Seti's victory has brought them

17:40

home. Behind

17:42

the prisoners, Seti rides triumphant.

17:45

A couple of small details stand out

17:47

here. The king has replenished his arrows

17:49

once again, and his quivers are full.

17:52

He is wearing a scarf or a streamer

17:54

that hangs down off his crown. And

17:56

while the Libyan captives march ahead of the

17:58

pharaoh, there is also a group of prisoners

18:00

who seem to be attached to the war

18:03

cart itself. Poking out at

18:05

either end of the king's chariot, we

18:07

see the heads of Libyan chieftains. It's

18:10

not clear if these are supposed to be

18:12

literal heads that the king has decapitated and

18:14

hung from his war cart, or

18:16

if it is a symbolic representation,

18:19

the idea of captives bundled together

18:21

under Pharaoh's authority. Behind

18:23

the king are fan-bearer marches with

18:25

a large plumed fan. The

18:28

fan-bearer himself is not human. He

18:30

has a human's body, but his shoulders

18:32

and head have been replaced by an

18:35

unke symbol, as if life

18:37

itself follows behind the king, giving

18:39

Seti its protection and bestowing the

18:41

air or breath of life upon

18:44

him. Finally, the pharaoh's

18:46

horses cot, spiritedly. They

18:48

are richly decorated, with sun-discs attached

18:51

to their harness. They have plumes

18:53

capping their heads, and scarves or

18:55

streamers flutter behind. The colours have

18:57

mostly disappeared, but tiny traces say

18:59

that the horses were originally reddish

19:02

brown, but they had yellow blankets

19:04

over their backs. Delightfully,

19:06

we also get the names of these

19:08

horses. Just above the

19:10

chariot team, a band of hieroglyphs records

19:12

the name. They're not

19:14

the names of the individual horses, but

19:17

rather their names as a pair, a

19:19

pair of war-steeds who pull the pharaoh's

19:21

cart. In this sense, they are called

19:23

the first great chariot

19:26

team of His Majesty,

19:28

which is called Immennechet,

19:30

or Amun is Victorious.

19:33

Little details like that, the naming of

19:35

the horse teams, begin to show up

19:37

during the reign of Seti I, and

19:39

they become incredibly common under his successor,

19:41

Remeses II. It's one

19:43

of my favourite details of their military

19:45

art, and in the future we'll meet

19:47

these horse teams in greater detail. But

19:50

for now, we get to this nice little

19:52

reference to a chariot pair called Amun is

19:54

Brave, a simple phrase made of two words,

19:57

and I kinda like to imagine that one horse was a

19:59

horse. called Amun and one horse was

20:01

called Nechet, or Brave. I have no proof

20:03

of that, but it's a fun idea. Anyway,

20:08

above the whole scene, bands of

20:10

hieroglyphs explain what is happening. They

20:12

describe Seti's return as, quote, The

20:15

good or younger god has

20:17

returned after triumphing over the

20:19

chieftains of every foreign land.

20:22

They were violating his borders. All

20:25

foreign lands have become peaceful,

20:28

for Seti causes them to cease

20:30

standing upon the battlefield. They

20:33

forget to take up their bows, and

20:35

they spend their time in caves hidden

20:37

like foxes. The terror

20:40

of his person, the pharaoh, is in

20:42

all lands, pervading

20:44

their hearts because his father,

20:46

Amun, has given him bravery

20:49

and victory. Above

20:51

the prisoners themselves, the hieroglyphs describe

20:53

them as, quote, The

20:56

chieftains of the foreign countries who

20:58

did not know Egypt. They

21:01

were brought away by his person,

21:03

the king, as living captives from

21:06

Libya through the

21:08

strength of the king's father, Amun. So

21:11

these prisoners are the top-ranking members

21:13

of the Libyan society and hierarchy.

21:16

They are called the Wairu Khasut Tehhenu,

21:19

or the Great Ones of the

21:21

Hill Countries of Libya. Presumably,

21:23

Seti brought thousands of prisoners back,

21:26

not just the leaders. But

21:28

in these scenes, on the walls of

21:30

a temple, it is most appropriate to

21:33

emphasize the powerful and the privileged. After

21:36

all, it makes Seti's victory, and

21:38

the tribute he is about to

21:40

present, far more impressive. The

21:46

pharaoh rides the Libyan's walk, and as they march across the

21:48

walls of Karnak, the image

21:50

transitions seamlessly to the next important

21:52

scene. After the march, or the

21:54

return from battle, we find Seti's

21:57

victory. and

22:00

his Libyan captives approaching the

22:02

divine temples. Now the

22:04

king is on foot. He stands at the

22:07

head of the long trains of prisoners, some

22:09

of whom are bound with ropes around their

22:11

necks. Those ropes lead

22:14

directly to the hand of the

22:16

king as he clutches the bindings

22:18

and controls his Libyan captives. Seti's

22:21

appearance has changed subtly. He has

22:23

discarded his blue crown, often called

22:26

the war crown, and now he

22:28

wears a simple whip wig of

22:30

tight curled bands. The king wears

22:33

a long kilt or robe, which

22:35

seems to be translucent. It

22:37

wraps around his legs, but the artists have

22:39

conveyed the outline of his body underneath. So

22:42

Seti appears to be in more peaceful

22:44

garb than the previous scenes. But

22:47

he's still a warrior. On the king's

22:49

back there is the unmistakable shape of a

22:51

quiver. And in one hand, the

22:53

hand with which he clutches the ropes leading

22:56

to the prisoners, the king also carries his

22:58

bow. So while he is

23:00

more relaxed than the battle, Seti is

23:02

still a man of action. The

23:05

king's other hand reaches out before him

23:07

to gesture at a pile of booty

23:09

that he seems to have gathered together.

23:12

Standing in front of Seti we see

23:14

vases and bags of gold or possibly

23:17

precious stones. The vases might

23:19

be metal or ceramics, but they

23:21

have distinctive shapes, with animal decorations

23:23

on the heads. We

23:25

have seen these kinds of items

23:28

before, particularly in tribute scenes from

23:30

the mid-18th dynasty. Vessels like

23:32

these appear to be products of

23:34

the Mediterranean coastal communities. They

23:37

are known from the Levant up in

23:39

Syria and southern Anatolia, but also

23:41

in Crete and mainland Greece. Perhaps

23:44

these Libyan captives whom Seti brings

23:46

back had been trading with people

23:49

across the sea from the Mediterranean

23:51

coast. If that is accurate,

23:53

then some of the goods that Seti brings back might

23:56

be products from very distant

23:58

lands, gathered together as plunder

24:00

on his campaign. We can

24:03

only speculate on that. The Libyans might

24:05

have produced these themselves, or they might

24:07

be objects of trade, or

24:09

they might simply be symbolic representations,

24:12

a kind of gathering of foreign

24:14

exotica which the Egyptian artists use

24:16

to show Seti's victory. Whether

24:19

they are factual or fictional, the

24:21

collection of goods is distinctive, for

24:23

they are noticeably foreign in their

24:25

design, and they show the great

24:27

extent and distant power of the

24:29

king, power that reaches into all

24:31

foreign lands and brings back their

24:34

wealth for Egypt. Once

24:36

again, hieroglyphs above these scenes describe

24:38

what is happening and give the

24:40

essential details of the king's victory.

24:43

Above the Libyans, for example, the glyphs

24:45

describe the scene as, quote, his

24:48

person, Seti, has returned from

24:51

the foreign-held countries, his

24:53

attack having succeeded. He

24:55

causes the wretched ones to say, what

24:58

is this? He, Seti, is like

25:00

a fire that breaks out and

25:02

no water is brought. The

25:04

king causes all rebels to utterly

25:06

cease the boasting of their mouths,

25:09

for he has taken away the very

25:11

breath of their noses. Seti

25:14

takes the opportunity to denigrate

25:16

his enemies. He describes them

25:18

as cave-dwellers living in rockholes.

25:21

They are not settled people who build

25:23

cities and temples like the Egyptians. They

25:26

are nomads who make their way through

25:28

the wilderness and have no permanent home.

25:30

It's a bit harsh, but then this

25:32

is the presentation of defeated peoples as

25:35

captives before the gods. The

25:37

hieroglyphs on the walls of Karnak

25:39

are not just a description of

25:41

Seti's victory and his grandiosity. They

25:43

are also a religious statement, the

25:45

supremacy of the Egyptian people and

25:48

their deities against these dwellers in

25:50

the West. The presentation continues

25:52

with another text, quote, the

25:54

giving of tribute or that

25:56

which was brought by His

25:59

Majesty Seti. to his

26:01

father Amun-Ra, it consists

26:03

of silver, gold, lapis

26:05

lazuli, and turquoise, and

26:07

every beautiful stone, according

26:10

to the victory which you,

26:12

Amun-Ra, gave me, Seti, over

26:14

every foreign land." And

26:17

just before the king, Hieroglyphs describes, quote,

26:19

"... the giving of

26:21

tribute, or that which was brought,

26:24

by the good God, to his

26:26

father Amun, which comes from the

26:28

rebellious chiefs of the foreign lands,

26:30

who did not know Egypt. They

26:33

come with their tribute on their

26:35

backs, to fill every workshop with

26:38

slaves, both male and female, according

26:40

to the victories that you,

26:43

Amun-Ra, gave Seti over every

26:45

foreign land." So,

26:47

the Pharaoh Seti gathers his prisoners

26:49

from the Great Ones, or Weru,

26:52

of the foreign lands. He

26:54

presents gifts, spoils or tribute, that

26:57

he has taken away from these

26:59

lands, and brought to the great

27:01

gods of Egypt. The

27:03

presentation includes three kinds of

27:05

booty. First, there is

27:07

the physical wealth, represented by the

27:10

ornamental vessels, and the descriptions of

27:12

silver, gold, precious stones, and lapis

27:14

lazuli. Then, there

27:16

are the human resources, described

27:19

as living captives, Semer Ankh,

27:21

which in Egyptology is more

27:24

often translated as slaves. These

27:27

individuals will probably go to the

27:29

workshops and farming estates that serve

27:31

the great temple institutions. In other

27:33

words, the people of Libya, whom

27:36

Seti has taken away, will spend

27:38

the rest of their days working

27:40

for the Egyptian gods. Finally,

27:49

we come to the last chapter

27:51

of Seti's Libyan War. In

27:54

this scene, we find the gods

27:56

themselves receiving the tribute of the

27:58

king. In the second

28:01

half of the presentation images, we

28:03

see a great glittering shrine. It

28:05

appears like a golden box, kind

28:08

of similar to the shrines found

28:10

in Tutankhamun's tomb. The top of

28:12

the shrine is adorned with yurei,

28:14

or cobras, who wear sun discs

28:16

on their heads. This is

28:19

presumably the shrine at the very heart

28:21

of a great temple, and since these

28:23

images are carved on the walls of

28:25

Karnak, we can assume that it is

28:27

taking place within this very sanctuary. Within

28:30

this shrine we find three deities.

28:33

The first, on the right, is

28:35

the great Amun-Ra himself. The

28:38

god sets enthroned upon a

28:40

plinth or dais. He clutches

28:42

a wasse scepter, representing dominion,

28:45

and there seems to be the tail of a

28:48

bull hanging off his belt. That

28:50

is a classic symbol of royal

28:52

power and strength and virility, and

28:54

Amun, as a king of the

28:56

gods, is very much a royal

28:58

figure. The god's upper body

29:00

and head have disappeared, because the stone

29:03

in this particular section has broken away.

29:06

But we can see his crown. Amun

29:08

wears his distinctive headgear, a

29:11

sort of flat cap, slightly

29:13

curved, with two enormous plumes

29:15

emerging from the top. These

29:17

plumes, which might be ostrich

29:19

feathers or possibly palm fronds,

29:21

are the distinctive symbols of the deity.

29:24

So although the image has been

29:26

partially destroyed by time, we still

29:28

know it is the great Amun-Ra.

29:31

To the left of Amun we find

29:33

the great goddess Moot, the eternal

29:36

mother, the Lady of Isheru,

29:38

who has her own temple precinct in

29:40

the vicinity of Karnak, and who rules

29:43

there as the very archetype of motherhood.

29:46

Again, the figure of Moot has been

29:48

partially destroyed because the stone has fallen

29:50

away. But we can see

29:52

that she was wearing a long, slightly

29:54

translucent dress. She is clutching an

29:56

unk symbol in one hand. She wears a

29:59

long wig, with a headdress in

30:01

the form of a golden voltaia. That

30:04

voltaia is a short version of her

30:06

name, for the hieroglyph of a voltaia

30:08

is part of the word mout, meaning

30:11

mother. Finally, on top of

30:13

that headdress, mout wears the double

30:15

crown, the white crown of

30:17

southern Egypt and the red crown of

30:19

northern Egypt. This

30:22

encapsulates her royalty. She,

30:24

like her partner Amun, is

30:26

a ruling figure, a being

30:28

of supreme authority within the

30:30

cosmos and on Earth. Finally,

30:33

the third figure is the son of

30:35

mout and Amun. His name

30:38

is Konsu, and he is the lord of

30:40

the moon. Konsu stands just

30:42

beside his mother. He is wrapped in

30:44

a white shroud, or possibly bandages, that

30:46

kind of make him look like a

30:48

mummy. He has a long

30:50

braid of hair running down the side

30:52

of his head, which represents his youth.

30:55

Because he is the son of

30:57

mout and Amun, he is eternally

30:59

a childlike figure beside his great

31:01

parents. On top of

31:04

his head, Konsu wears a distinctive piece.

31:06

It is a crescent moon that curves

31:08

upwards to either side, and between the

31:10

horns of this moon there is a

31:13

full disc, representing the full moon. So

31:16

Konsu has quite an elaborate appearance. The

31:19

three gods are within their shrine, which

31:21

might be the temple of Karnak itself,

31:23

or might be the literal shrines at

31:25

the heart of their sanctuaries. If

31:28

you choose to read the scene

31:30

literally, you might imagine Seti I

31:32

bringing thousands of Libyan captives to

31:34

the outer gates of Karnak, and

31:37

then proceeding into the temple to

31:39

offer the treasures and booty, and

31:41

the metaphorical service of those captives,

31:43

to the great gods within. Or

31:46

you can read it metaphorically, as a

31:48

general summary of the king's piety and

31:50

the wealth he bestowed on the temples.

31:53

Either way, it is an important scene. Arguably

31:57

the most important scene in the

31:59

entire battle. narrative. Seti

32:01

I can go forth and slaughter

32:03

and conquer all he likes, but

32:06

his victories are not just his, they

32:08

are the result of the God's blessings.

32:12

And so, at the conclusion of

32:14

his victory, Seti must return to

32:16

Egypt to honor those gods with

32:18

the tribute they deserve. Of

32:21

course, the gods are grateful for

32:23

their son's generosity. And

32:25

in the final part of this scene,

32:27

we have three speeches, one

32:29

from each of the deities involved

32:31

who receive the tribute and plunder

32:33

that Seti has brought, and bestow

32:35

their thanks and blessings upon the

32:37

king. The first to

32:40

speak is Amun-Ra, who says to

32:42

King Seti, quote, O

32:44

son of my body, whom

32:46

I love, men ma'at-ra, Seti

32:49

I. My

32:51

heart is glad through love

32:53

of you, and I

32:55

rejoice at the sight of your

32:57

Seti's beauty. I

32:59

set the war cry of your

33:02

person upon every foreign land. Your

33:05

mace is upon the heads of their

33:07

chiefs, and they come

33:09

to you in unison to the

33:11

beloved or cultivated land, that is,

33:14

Tameri or Egypt, and they carry

33:16

all their goods as tribute upon

33:18

their backs. So

33:21

Seti gives these gifts, material

33:23

and human, to Amun-Ra, and

33:26

Amun-Ra basically praises himself.

33:29

The god speaks about how he is

33:31

glad to see Seti, and how through

33:33

his power he has brought all foreign

33:35

lands in tribute to Egypt. If

33:38

you treat the god like a person,

33:40

it sounds kind of self-aggrandizing, but from

33:42

a political and religious perspective, it is

33:44

an important message. Seti

33:46

I is emphasizing the fundamental link

33:48

between the king of the gods

33:50

and the king of the earth.

33:54

He, Seti, achieves his victories because

33:56

the gods are behind him, his

33:59

rule, his conquests are

34:01

divinely ordained. So

34:04

Amun gives victory, and he communicates

34:06

that through his speech. One

34:09

excellent detail is the idea

34:11

that Amun-ra spreads the pharaoh's

34:13

war cry, or hem-hem, across

34:16

every foreign land. Of

34:18

course, this is just a short way

34:20

of saying that Seti is victorious against

34:22

every enemy. When he charges

34:25

into battle and shouts his cry

34:27

against the foe, it is

34:29

as if Amun-ra himself is bellowing

34:31

at his back, and the

34:33

enemy cannot resist such force. But

34:36

if you wanted to imagine

34:38

Amun's speech a little bit

34:40

more dramatically, you might envision

34:42

Amun-ra causing thunder to crackle

34:44

through the sky, or

34:47

even the literal roar of a god.

34:54

Not to be outdone, the goddess

34:57

Mut also speaks, and she

34:59

gives Seti an incredibly valuable gift. As

35:02

Amun-ra gives Seti victory in battle,

35:05

Mut says the following, quote, I,

35:08

Mut, have given you

35:10

eternity as the king of the

35:12

two lands, and you,

35:15

Seti, have arisen like Ra.

35:18

Compared to the proclamation of Amun,

35:21

Mut's speech is much shorter, but

35:23

arguably even more valuable. Amun-ra

35:26

gives Seti victory on earth,

35:28

temporal power over foreign lands.

35:31

But Mut, Mut gives

35:33

Seti eternity. She gives

35:35

him everlasting power as a ruler,

35:37

and she connects him with the

35:39

eternal cycle of the sun. It

35:42

is a powerful gift, although slightly generic,

35:44

one worth its weight in gold. Finally,

35:47

Konsu's speech is also relatively short,

35:49

but it has its own power.

35:51

The god of the moon, son

35:53

of Amun and Mut, says the

35:55

following, quote, I, Konsu, have given you,

35:57

Seti, a victory as the king of the two lands, and you, Mut,

36:00

victory against the south and victory

36:02

against the north. May

36:05

all life, stability and dominion

36:07

attend seti like Ra." Konsu

36:11

follows his father Amun, and he gives

36:14

seti victory in this world. He

36:16

references victory against the south and the

36:18

north, which presumably refers

36:20

to the southern foreign countries,

36:23

that is Nubia or modern

36:25

Sudan, and the northern foreign

36:27

countries, that is Kanan, Lebanon,

36:29

Syria and the Hittites. It's

36:32

interesting that neither Konsu nor

36:34

Amun reference Libya, where seti

36:36

is actually coming from, but

36:39

these texts are to some degree

36:41

formulaic. They are part and parcel

36:43

of the religious language of the

36:45

time. So the

36:47

gods bestow their blessings upon seti,

36:49

their gratitude for his conquests and

36:51

his tribute, and they ensure

36:54

that he will be ever victorious,

36:56

ever ruling, and eternal like the

36:58

sun. Seti

37:07

made his attack, and the armies

37:09

or the people of Libya fell

37:11

in battle against the pharaoh's onslaught.

37:14

Seti then gathered up prisoners, high

37:16

and low, and brought them back

37:18

to Egypt, where he presented them

37:20

to the great gods, including Amun,

37:23

Mut, and Konsu. It

37:25

seems a reasonably tidy narrative that

37:27

Seti tells from beginning to end.

37:30

And yet, through all of this, there is

37:32

a nagging question. Who are

37:35

these Libyans exactly? Where

37:37

did they come from, what was their

37:39

society, and what was their relationship with

37:41

the people of Egypt? The

37:44

Libyans, quote-unquote, are an extremely difficult

37:47

group to pin down. The

37:49

first problem is that 99% of

37:52

our sources for the ancient

37:54

Libyans come from the Egyptians, monuments

37:57

and texts that describe or do.

37:59

depict the Libyans are the major

38:02

source of information about these ancient

38:04

people. Unfortunately, the

38:06

ancient Libyans, in their distinctive

38:08

tribes or sub-communities, have not

38:11

yet been properly or fully

38:13

explored archaeologically. The problem

38:16

is relatively simple. The Libyans

38:18

seem to have lived along

38:20

the Mediterranean coast of North

38:22

Africa, the western deserts, and

38:24

various trails or regions between them,

38:27

across the Great Sahara. That

38:29

is a vast area for exploration,

38:32

and over the past hundred plus

38:34

years, this particular part of the

38:37

world has not been the safest

38:39

area for exploration and archaeology. Eceptologists

38:42

have often wondered about the

38:44

ancient Libyan peoples, but

38:46

the opportunities for actually locating

38:48

and excavating their ancient settlements

38:51

or tracts, those have

38:53

been few and far between. With

38:56

that in mind, I can only describe

38:58

the Libyans from the Egyptian perspective, the

39:01

way they depicted and described them

39:03

in their hieroglyphs and emacres. It

39:06

is almost certainly a grossly biased

39:08

and distorted view of these ancient

39:11

peoples. But for

39:13

now, it's pretty much the only information

39:15

we have. So take

39:17

what I'm about to say with a grain

39:19

of historical salt. It could

39:21

change significantly with future excavation.

39:25

The people whom we call Egyptians, the

39:27

ones living in the Nile Valley and

39:29

the Delta, seem to have

39:31

known about the Westerners or Libyans

39:33

from a very early period. This

39:36

is completely expected. For

39:39

one thing, the ancient trade

39:41

routes that crossed northern Africa,

39:43

the Sahara, and the eastern

39:45

coast of the continent brought

39:47

many cultures into contact across

39:49

the millennia. For another, the

39:51

early travels and diffusion of

39:53

humanity itself would have followed

39:55

paths through these different regions.

39:58

So the Egyptians were always aware of this.

40:00

aware of the people living to their west,

40:02

the folks whom we might call Libyans. And

40:05

from that early period, we

40:07

do get occasional references in

40:09

art and writing to these

40:11

western groups. The first

40:13

thing to know is that references

40:15

to the Libyans on royal monuments,

40:17

monuments commissioned by the kings of

40:20

Egypt, tend to have

40:22

a military or hostile character.

40:25

And this goes right back to the early periods.

40:27

On the Old Kingdom, around 2400 BCE,

40:32

we start to get references in

40:34

royal art and texts to the

40:36

Libyans as an outside group. Kings

40:39

like Sa'ghara or Sa'ghare commissioned

40:42

scenes that showed them smiting

40:44

or slaughtering chieftains of the

40:46

Libyan peoples. It's

40:49

not clear if these images are

40:51

symbolic, representing the king's power over

40:53

all lands, or if

40:55

they reflect genuine events and wars.

40:58

Either way, they reveal the essential

41:00

priorities of the Egyptian kings. They

41:03

are the representatives of Ma'at and the

41:05

gods. And so, anybody

41:08

who is outside their authority must

41:11

be attacked and destroyed. Moving

41:14

forward, though, the picture starts to

41:16

get more nuanced. During

41:18

the 18th dynasty, say 1500 BCE

41:21

and later, we start to

41:23

find Libyans appearing in Egyptian

41:25

art. This time, they

41:27

are not depicted as enemies. Instead,

41:30

they appear as soldiers. During

41:33

the 18th dynasty, particularly the

41:35

reigns of Arkanatan and Tutankhamun,

41:37

we find images of Libyans

41:39

among the soldiers of Egypt.

41:42

In the city of Amarna,

41:44

built for Arkanatan, some of

41:46

the non-royal tombs belonging to

41:48

courtiers and officials show

41:50

Libyan troops among the soldiers of

41:52

Egypt. They wear their

41:55

distinctive feathers in their hair, and

41:57

they run alongside troops of other

41:59

ethnicities. and backgrounds. It's

42:02

not clear if these are

42:04

literal scenes representing a cosmopolitan

42:06

army in service to the

42:08

pharaoh, or if they

42:10

are more symbolic, communicating the

42:12

idea that Archonartan rules over

42:14

all lands and peoples, and

42:16

they serve him happily. Nonetheless,

42:19

their appearance in this art

42:21

is quite interesting, and it

42:23

suggests that attitudes and relationships

42:25

had changed to some degree.

42:28

We find similar images in the reign

42:30

of Tutankhamun. In the days of

42:32

the Boy King, royal artists

42:34

decorated the temple of Luxor

42:36

with images of the Opet

42:39

Festival. That is the

42:41

annual celebration for the gods of

42:43

Luxor Temple, and one that involved

42:46

grand processions and parades. As

42:48

part of these images, we

42:51

find Libyan soldiers celebrating and

42:53

dancing within the royal procession.

42:56

Again, it's not clear if we should

42:58

take this literally. The Libyans

43:00

appear alongside other groups, like

43:02

Nubians, and the images might

43:05

simply represent the supreme earthly

43:07

power of the pharaoh. But

43:09

if they are accurate, if they

43:12

do literally represent what was happening,

43:14

then it seems like Libyan soldiers were

43:16

serving in the Egyptian army. This

43:19

would make sense. If the

43:22

Libyan groups were primarily nomadic, hunters

43:24

rather than settlers, then their soldiers

43:27

may have been particularly skilled, both

43:29

in movement and in combat. From

43:31

the perspective of the Egyptian pharaohs

43:34

and their generals, such

43:36

warriors might be a useful asset to

43:38

include in the army. Again,

43:40

that is speculation. We do

43:42

not know if these scenes are symbolic or

43:45

if we should take them literally. But

43:48

either way, it's worth pointing out

43:50

that the festival of Opet was

43:52

a grand and important affair. The

43:55

appearance of Libyan soldiers and

43:57

Nubians suggests that they may have

43:59

been prominent, even respectable part

44:01

of the armed forces. So

44:04

that is the situation before Seti

44:07

I. From a purely

44:09

royal perspective, the iconography tends

44:11

to emphasize war and conflict.

44:14

In the early periods, royal scenes

44:16

show smiting and slaughtering of Libyans.

44:19

But in the 18th dynasty, we start

44:21

to find Libyans, among others, as

44:23

part of Egypt's armed forces. Then,

44:26

Seti I comes along, and his

44:29

war reliefs at Karnak return to

44:31

the old image of conflict and

44:33

destruction between the Egyptians and Libyans.

44:37

Seti's war reliefs and Egyptian

44:39

battle scenes generally depict

44:41

the Libyans as chaotic. When

44:44

the Pharaoh attacks, they are completely

44:46

incapable of resisting him, and

44:48

they tumble over themselves in

44:50

confusion and disorder. It's

44:53

an extremely negative portrayal of

44:55

these people, but it fits

44:57

within the Egyptian religious and

44:59

ideological context. Battle scenes,

45:01

especially those involving the Pharaoh, are

45:03

not meant to be a photograph

45:05

of what actually happened. They are

45:08

supposed to express the idea of

45:10

Egyptian supremacy, of the Pharaoh's strength

45:12

and divine favour. From

45:14

that perspective, any battle scene

45:16

that Egyptian artists create tends

45:19

to portray things as order

45:21

versus chaos, the Pharaoh

45:23

versus enemies. That's a

45:25

problem for art historians and scholars

45:27

interested in the Libyans as a

45:29

people. We can study

45:31

these images to get an idea of

45:34

costumes, how the Libyans might have dressed

45:36

and armed themselves. But it

45:38

tells us nothing about how they

45:40

were organized or how skilled their

45:42

warriors may have been. Scholars

45:45

have tried to uncover certain details.

45:48

In the 1990s, a scholar named

45:50

David O'Connor did an extensive study

45:52

of the Libyans as they

45:55

appear in the New Kingdom Art and

45:57

Records. O'Connor's conclusions were

45:59

seminary, because the evidence itself

46:02

is so thin and so exclusively

46:04

Egyptian in its point of view.

46:07

But at the very least, O'Connor

46:09

was able to argue that the

46:12

Libyans probably had their own sophisticated

46:14

military organization. They may

46:16

not have been capable of

46:18

withstanding a full pharaonic army,

46:21

well-armed, well-trained and experienced in

46:23

battle, but that did

46:25

not necessarily mean they were ineffective

46:27

or weak as soldiers. It is

46:30

a fair argument, and it is supported by

46:32

the Egyptian evidence. As we

46:34

mentioned earlier, we find Libyans serving in

46:36

the armies of the 18th Dynasty. Assuming

46:40

those scenes are accurate to life, we

46:42

can at least assume the Libyans had

46:44

some degree of military and martial skill.

46:47

After all, why would the pharaohs employ

46:49

them if they were not good warriors?

46:53

That is awfully tentative and preliminary,

46:55

but sadly, that's the best we

46:57

can say based on the Egyptian

46:59

evidence. The pharaohs, like

47:01

Seti I, have explicit reasons

47:03

for shooing their enemies as

47:05

weak and disordered. It

47:07

helps to reinforce the natural cosmic

47:10

order in which the Egyptians believed,

47:12

but the Libyans themselves get the

47:14

short end of that depiction. Whatever

47:17

military, social or cultural sophistication they

47:19

may have had, much of

47:21

that has disappeared, and what

47:23

survives is the distorted pharaonic

47:25

image. So,

47:33

around 1300 BCE, Seti commissioned

47:35

a series of images that

47:37

showed him attacking and easily

47:40

defeating a Libyan army. He

47:43

brought the peoples of this region back

47:45

to Egypt to work as slaves in

47:47

the great temples. It

47:49

is a classic image of pharaonic

47:51

victory, of supremacy over their enemies,

47:54

and the power of the Egyptian gods.

47:57

Curiously, the story after

48:00

the reign of Seti I, would

48:02

actually continue in that vein. Seti's

48:05

Libyan war is not an

48:08

isolated incident. In fact,

48:10

it seems to merely be the prologue in

48:12

a story that would unfold over the next

48:14

120 years. From

48:18

1300 BCE down to 1180,

48:21

there seems to be

48:23

an increasing level of conflict

48:26

between Libyan tribes and the

48:28

Egyptian state. In the

48:30

days of Seti's successes, like Remeses II,

48:32

Mernepita, and Remeses III, we have an

48:37

abundance of royal records that

48:39

show large-scale conflicts between the

48:41

Egyptian monarchs and the Libyans.

48:45

The causes of these conflicts, and

48:47

even their exact nature, are still

48:49

a matter of historical debate, and

48:51

we'll explore them fully at the appropriate

48:54

times. But for now,

48:56

it's interesting to note that around 1300

48:58

BCE, King Seti I appears to lead

49:04

a punitive raid or campaign

49:06

into Libyan lands. He

49:08

takes captives and plunder and brings

49:10

them back to Egypt. But

49:13

while Seti celebrated this campaign as

49:15

a great victory, it was far

49:17

from the end of the story.

49:20

In fact, it may only be

49:23

the first part in an unfolding

49:25

saga. In

49:33

1300 BCE, the Pharaoh of

49:35

Egypt, Menmaadra, led a campaign

49:38

to the west. The

49:40

king depicted this campaign on the walls

49:42

of Karnak Temple, where, in

49:45

grand images, we find Seti charging

49:47

into the enemy army. He

49:49

routed the Libyan warriors and

49:51

slaughtered their chieftains. Then,

49:54

the king gathered up prisoners and

49:56

plunder and brought it back to

49:58

Egypt. Libyan peoples

50:00

whom Seti took went to the

50:03

great temples, there to

50:05

work as slaves on behalf of the

50:07

great gods. Viewing these

50:09

images in their context as

50:11

expressions of Egypt's religious and

50:14

military power, we find the

50:16

Libyans as a defeated put-upon

50:18

people. The way Seti depicts

50:20

them, he marched into this

50:22

land that already had very

50:24

little, and he took away

50:27

everything that he found. From

50:29

that perspective, one might say

50:31

that Seti found Libya at

50:33

level zero. Following

50:35

his attack, it was down to minus

50:38

one. Thank

51:16

you for listening to the History of

51:18

Egypt podcast. Next time we

51:20

return to the Nile Valley. The

51:23

wars of Seti I are coming to

51:25

their end, and the king has some

51:27

important business to deal with at home.

51:30

Most immediately, there is a

51:32

lingering religious question around this

51:34

king's identity and his role

51:36

as a pharaoh. As

51:38

a king of Egypt, Seti is

51:40

the incarnation of Horus and the

51:43

son of Osiris. But

51:45

as a human, Seti is

51:47

named after a deity whose

51:49

relationship to Horus and Osiris

51:52

is ever so slightly complicated.

51:55

How did Seti, whose name invokes

51:57

the god Seth, reconcile his

51:59

own identity? identity with his role as

52:01

a king of Egypt. We explore

52:03

that in the next episode. Before

52:06

I go, I would like to thank the supporters

52:09

of this episode. That is all of you.

52:11

Thank you so much for listening, and I hope you've

52:14

enjoyed the show. I would

52:16

like to give a special shout-out

52:18

to the priests, my top-tier supporters

52:20

on patreon.com. As a thank you

52:22

for their generous support, the priests

52:24

get a special, personalized shout-out at

52:26

the end of every episode. In

52:29

January of 2024, when this

52:31

episode was recorded, the priests

52:34

were Veronica, Ashley, Nadine, Kyla,

52:36

Evan, Andy and Chelsea, Mykost,

52:39

Yola, TJ, Terry and

52:42

Linda. Folks, you

52:44

are all too generous, and

52:46

hopefully your homes will remain safe

52:48

from invasion or desecration

52:51

by rampaging pharaohs. May

52:53

the great gods bless you and your

52:55

families, and give you an eternity like

52:57

Rah. Thank you for your generosity.

53:00

And thank you to everyone who supports the

53:02

show, either on patreon as a subscriber, or

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in the general public as a listener. I

53:07

am grateful to all of you, and I

53:09

hope you've enjoyed the show. Have

53:17

you ever wondered how inbred the

53:19

Habsburgs really were? What women

53:21

in the past used for birth control?

53:24

Or what Queen Victoria's nine children got

53:26

up to? On the

53:28

History Tea Time podcast, I

53:31

profile remarkable queens and LGBTQ

53:33

plus royals explore royal family

53:36

trees and delve into women's

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medical history and other fascinating

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topics. Join me every Tuesday

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for History Tea Time, wherever

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fine podcasts are enjoyed.