0:07

In 1986, archaeologists were

0:09

diving off the coast of Turkey.

0:13

Working on an area just

0:15

250 meters square, they sifted

0:17

through mud, sand and ocean

0:19

life. They were studying the

0:21

wreck of an ancient ship, one

0:23

that sank more than 3,000 years ago.

0:27

Deep below the waves, off the

0:29

coast of Ulu Burun, the

0:31

archaeologists were studying a fascinating

0:33

treasure. In the course of

0:36

their work, a curious item came to light.

0:39

Small, made of gold, the object

0:41

glittered in the water. Examining

0:43

it closely, the team found it

0:46

was a scarab, an ornament shaped

0:48

like a beetle and decorated with

0:50

hieroglyphs. The scarab was

0:52

Egyptian, one of many items from

0:55

the wreckage that had African origins.

0:58

But this scarab was special. On

1:00

the surface, hieroglyphs recorded a name,

1:04

Nefer Neferu-Atin,

1:06

Nefret-Iti. This

1:08

was the official name of Nefertiti,

1:11

the legendary Queen of the Nile,

1:13

and possibly Pharaoh in her own

1:15

right. What

1:17

was the scarab of Nefertiti doing off

1:19

the coast of Turkey? Well,

1:22

there be a tale to shiver your timbers.

1:25

A tale that, ironically, is told

1:28

by dead men. Around

1:37

1325 BCE,

1:39

in the eastern Mediterranean, a

1:42

ship set sail. It

1:44

pulled away from the dock or anchorage and

1:46

headed out to sea. The

1:49

vessel headed north, hugging the

1:51

coast, making for distant lands.

1:54

The ship sailed from Canaan, somewhere

1:56

in the region of Akko or

1:59

modern Asia. archaeological. Archaeologists

2:01

infer that from the construction of

2:03

the vessel. A hull was

2:06

cedar wood common in that area, and

2:09

the anchor's heavy stone weights

2:11

were Canaanite in style. So

2:13

we have the rough starting point for the voyage.

2:17

As for the destination, this ship

2:19

was heading west. The

2:21

crew would sail along the coast

2:23

of Anatolia, modern Turkey. They

2:26

would pass the island of Cyprus and

2:28

eventually make their way to the Aegean.

2:31

There, amid the islands, they would

2:33

head for their destination. Alas,

2:37

the ship never made it.

2:40

A couple of weeks into the voyage,

2:42

the vessel rounded a promontory. On

2:44

the Anatolian coast, the ship was making

2:46

its way past bays and cliffs, but

2:49

as it sailed past the Cape

2:52

of Uluburun, the vessel sounded. It

2:54

may have strayed too close to the shore

2:57

or hit unseen rocks below the surface. Or

3:00

perhaps a gale may have blown unexpectedly

3:02

from the south, driving the

3:04

ship to its doom. The

3:07

wreck was swift. The vessel,

3:09

made of wood, shattered and sank

3:11

beneath the waves. Laid

3:14

in with cargo, the hull descended,

3:16

trailing debris and objects as it

3:18

went. Then, more

3:20

than 40 meters below the surface,

3:23

the ship came to rest. It

3:26

lay on a slope descending into the

3:28

depths. And all around,

3:30

the cargo spilled onto the seabed.

3:33

If the vessel had a name, we do not know

3:35

it. The ship itself was approximately

3:38

15 meters long, and

3:40

about 5 meters at the widest

3:42

part. Its draft or

3:44

depth was approximately 1.4 meters. It

3:48

bore a sail with a triangular shape that

3:51

probably gave it speeds up to 2

3:53

knots, or 2 nautical

3:55

miles per hour. Not

3:58

especially quick by modern standards. but

4:00

adequate for the job. This

4:02

wasn't a racing vessel or a war

4:04

galley. It was a trade ship.

4:08

The vessel carried a sizeable

4:10

cargo, approximately 20 tons of

4:12

material. At least half

4:15

of that was copper, huge

4:17

ingots of pure metal, shaped

4:19

like animal skins. These

4:21

ingots, often called oxhide for the

4:24

shape, are well-known from

4:26

artistic images, including

4:28

some from Egypt. So

4:31

the ship's copper stores were a

4:33

common object for international traders. Beyond

4:36

the copper, there was tin, valuable

4:38

for making bronze. There

4:40

was wood from central and eastern Africa.

4:43

There was ivory from elephants

4:45

and hippopotamuses, and eggshells

4:48

from ostriches, a valuable commodity.

4:51

There were resins, powders, and

4:53

seeds. And there were jugs. Like

4:57

vessels filled with small objects,

4:59

like scraps of metal, organic

5:01

items, like food and plants, and

5:04

spices, including black

5:06

cumin, coriander, and safflower.

5:10

All of these items have shown up in

5:12

the wreckage of the vessel. Archaeologists

5:15

can identify them and reconstruct the

5:17

cargo. Broadly speaking, the

5:19

ship's goods were international in the

5:22

best sense. All

5:24

up, archaeologists have identified at

5:26

least seven cultural groups in

5:28

the wreck. There were

5:30

objects from Canaan and Syria, where the

5:32

vessel set out, but also

5:35

items from Egypt and

5:37

Sudan, aka Nubia. Some

5:40

objects came from Mesopotamia, the

5:42

lands of Babylon and Assyria.

5:45

There were even a few items from

5:47

the Balkans, the lands north of Greece.

5:51

Looking at the descriptions, the ship's

5:53

cargo reads like a buffet of

5:56

international items. Apparently,

5:58

these traders were buying big,

6:01

and they bought from everywhere. So

6:04

the ship's cargo was large and valuable. It

6:07

is hard to say how valuable exactly,

6:10

but scholars have tried to calculate the

6:12

overall cost. One estimate

6:15

puts the value of the cargo

6:17

around 12,000 silver shekels. That's

6:20

ancient shekels, not the modern currency.

6:23

This was significant. Roughly speaking,

6:25

12,000 shekels could

6:28

have paid the yearly wages of 1,000 workers.

6:33

So the vessel was carrying a huge

6:35

load of goods. The

6:37

traders must have been quite rich.

6:40

Speaking of traders, who were these people,

6:42

the crew of the vessel? Well

6:45

based on their objects, they were a mixed

6:47

bunch. Some were Canaanites, specifically

6:49

a group of merchants. At

6:52

least four sailed on this vessel. Archaeologists

6:55

can identify the merchants by

6:57

their weights, small objects

6:59

of metal used for trade. Weights

7:03

are quite distinctive. They come in different

7:05

shapes, and they mark

7:07

denominations or weights of metal.

7:10

The merchants could use those weights

7:12

to measure goods, say a quantity

7:14

of spice, against a certain quantity

7:16

of metal. Call

7:18

it currency conversion. Call it bartering.

7:22

Either way, the metal weights aboard

7:24

the vessel seem to be

7:26

Canaanite and Syrian. Based

7:28

on the styles and their distinct groups, there

7:31

were probably four merchants from that

7:33

area. Again, this gives

7:35

us a rough starting point for the

7:38

crew of the ship. However,

7:41

Canaanites and Syrians were not

7:43

the only travellers. At

7:45

the time of its final voyage,

7:47

the ship carried several foreigners. They

7:50

were also the only foreigners from

7:53

a famous cultural group. This Canaanite

7:55

vessel carried Mycenaeans. The

7:58

Mycenaeans or proto-Greeks. if

8:00

you prefer, were prominent in the

8:02

eastern Mediterranean. Over the

8:04

last two centuries, they had journeyed

8:06

out into the islands of the

8:08

Aegean and Mediterranean. They had

8:11

occupied and ruled towns and

8:13

palaces, in Crete and Rhodes

8:15

especially. They had

8:17

even formed a political centre in

8:19

Anatolia, modern Turkey. That

8:22

is the briefest of brief overviews, but

8:24

you get the idea. By

8:27

1325 BCE, Mycenaeans

8:30

were prominent, invisible in the

8:32

political and social world of

8:34

the eastern Mediterranean. So how

8:37

do we know that Mycenaeans were on the ship?

8:40

Well, they left a few clues. Two

8:43

swords and ten spearheads appeared

8:45

in the wreckage. These

8:47

are bronze with the distinctive style

8:49

of Mycenaean weapons. Long

8:52

blades, grooves along the length,

8:54

and flanges or protruding hilts.

8:57

These weapon designs are well known

9:00

from Mycenaean archaeology, and

9:02

they turn up at Uluburun. Beyond

9:05

the weapons, there were ornamental items,

9:08

beads made of glass, amber

9:10

and faience. These are

9:12

decorated with swirling patterns and figure

9:15

of eight shapes. Again,

9:17

those have similar examples

9:19

from Mycenaean archaeology. There

9:22

were also personal items like

9:24

razors and tableware, including

9:27

a wine cup or kylix.

9:30

These artefacts are distinctive, and they give a

9:32

clue to the guests. Apparently,

9:35

the vessel carried at

9:37

least two high-ranking Mycenaeans.

9:40

They probably weren't merchants. There are

9:42

no weights or measures in the

9:45

Mycenaean style. Instead,

9:47

they could have been diplomats,

9:49

ambassadors travelling to overseas kingdoms.

9:52

That is an educated guess. The

9:55

Mycenaean travellers were clearly wealthy,

9:57

with top-quality positions. And

10:00

if they were not merchants, the

10:02

best guess would be warriors or

10:04

representatives of a Mycenaean palace. I

10:07

wish I had time to dive deeper into that. Alas,

10:10

we must take the idea as it is.

10:13

The vessel, sailing the eastern Mediterranean,

10:17

may have carried individuals from

10:19

a Mycenaean embassy. So

10:22

an international crew with an

10:24

international cargo. Sailing

10:26

west on the Mediterranean, this group

10:28

had left a port in Canaan

10:30

or Syria. That's a

10:32

good starting point. We know the ship's

10:35

origins and its travellers. The

10:37

next question is, where were they going?

10:39

What was their purpose? And

10:41

why did they have a scarab

10:43

of Queen Nefertiti? What

10:45

was the purpose of the ship?

10:50

Riding the waves, a trade ship

10:52

was sailing along the coast of

10:54

Anatolia. On board, there

10:56

were merchants from Canaan and Syria, and

10:59

high-ranking individuals from Mycenae.

11:02

The Mycenaeans were sailing aboard a

11:05

ship laden with high-value items and

11:07

journeying west. In the context,

11:09

we could guess that they were heading

11:12

for the islands, maybe Crete or Rhodes,

11:14

or another Aegean centre. Or

11:17

they may have been going further

11:19

to mainland Greece, the homeland, quote-unquote,

11:21

of Mycenaean power. Both

11:24

of these options are possible. The

11:26

ship was clearly sailing towards the

11:28

Aegean. Then again, it's

11:30

possible the ship was going north. At

11:33

the time, Mycenaeans had settled

11:35

or occupied centres along the

11:37

coast, and they may have

11:39

formed a kingdom in that region. The

11:42

Mycenaean Kingdom in Anatolia is

11:44

a big story with many

11:46

debates, so I won't

11:49

go deeper right now. Suffice

11:51

to say, Mycenaean settlements or

11:53

populations appear on the Aegean

11:55

Islands and the coast of

11:57

Anatolia. It's possible the vessel was

12:00

heading to one of those places. The

12:02

ship seems to be heading home. It

12:05

had mycenaeans aboard and it was sailing

12:07

towards the Aegean. With

12:09

that in mind, excavators suggest that

12:12

the vessel was returning from an

12:14

embassy or diplomatic trading mission. Perhaps

12:17

a mycenaean ruler had dispatched this

12:20

ship to gather items from distant

12:22

ports. The diplomats,

12:24

high-ranking individuals, could meet and

12:27

negotiate deals with foreign rulers,

12:29

say in Cyprus, in Syria,

12:31

and Canaan. Then,

12:34

when they had made arrangements and collected

12:36

goods, they would head home, on a

12:39

ship laden with treasures. That

12:42

is an educated guess. There was

12:44

no manifest or captain's log that survived.

12:47

Nevertheless, a cargo of

12:49

valuable goods and some distinctly foreign

12:52

people aboard a Canaanite ship. A

12:55

diplomatic or commercial voyage seems quite

12:57

likely. Presumably,

12:59

these diplomats would have been well-rewarded

13:02

or praised on their return. With

13:05

such an enormous cargo, equivalent to

13:07

the yearly wages of a thousand

13:09

workers, the delivery would have

13:11

been lucrative. Arriving

13:13

at their home port, the sailors

13:16

could expect a warm welcome, recognition

13:18

by their peers, and the

13:20

thrill of a job well done. Alas,

13:23

they probably didn't make it

13:25

home. The wreck of

13:28

the Uluburan ship did not preserve

13:30

any human remains. Unfortunately,

13:32

that doesn't mean the sailors

13:34

escaped from drowning. The

13:37

organic material, mostly, rotted away,

13:40

decomposing in the water long ago.

13:43

Only a few scraps preserved in the

13:45

mud or traces left on pottery reveal

13:48

the perishable organic items on board.

13:51

Logically, if any people went

13:53

down with the ship, their bodies

13:55

probably vanished to time, so we can only speculate on

13:57

the fact that they were not able to get to

14:00

the ship. of these sailors. What

14:02

we do know is there were

14:04

personal items like razors, weapons, yeats,

14:06

and measures amid the wreckage. That

14:09

might indicate that some of the sailors

14:11

or crew went down, but

14:13

they weren't necessarily carrying all

14:15

of these items on their person.

14:18

Weights and measures would likely be kept in a

14:20

bag or a box, out of

14:23

the way until they needed them.

14:25

Warriors might carry their weapons at

14:27

certain points, especially if there was

14:29

danger about. But again,

14:31

they wouldn't necessarily have them at

14:33

all times. So although

14:35

some personal objects appear in the

14:37

wreckage, it is possible

14:39

that members of the crew or

14:41

the passengers escaped the sinking ship.

14:45

Unfortunately, that is speculative.

14:47

But hopefully, some people made it

14:49

out. The vessel went down,

14:52

taking many objects and potentially people

14:54

with it. Among the

14:57

thousands of items, one in particular

14:59

catches our eye. The

15:01

scarab of gold, bearing the names

15:03

of Nefertiti, the ruling lady

15:05

of the Nile. What was

15:07

that doing there? The Nefertiti

15:10

scarab is interesting. For

15:12

one thing, it is slightly out of time.

15:15

The rough date of 1325 BCE

15:19

puts the scarab 10 or

15:21

even 20 years after Nefertiti

15:23

died. Scientifically, that

15:25

doesn't mean much. Late

15:28

Bronze Age chronology is

15:30

notoriously uncertain. Dates

15:32

can vary by decades, depending which

15:34

scholar you read. And

15:37

even carbon dating, or dendrochronology

15:39

from tree material, can

15:41

give a range of dates, but

15:43

nothing too definitive. So we

15:46

can't read too much into the dates themselves.

15:48

The scarab is more important as

15:51

a mark of behaviour and trade

15:53

relationships. Far from Egypt,

15:55

a random merchant or diplomat was

15:57

carrying the scarab in the their

16:00

possessions. Perhaps it was

16:02

part of the cargo, a high-value

16:04

item destined for some far-away palace.

16:07

Whatever its purpose, the appearance

16:09

of the scarab gives a hint at

16:11

the behaviour of these people. Technically,

16:14

the name on the scarab was out

16:16

of date, but perhaps these

16:18

people didn't care who was the

16:20

king at that specific moment. Instead,

16:23

the scarab itself was a

16:25

prestigious keepsake. For one

16:28

thing, the gold was valuable, and

16:30

a good insurance policy if they ever

16:32

got into financial difficulty. It

16:34

didn't matter if the name was out of

16:36

date, the ornament itself was worth more than

16:39

that. Additionally, such

16:41

a prestigious, but slightly antiquated

16:43

item tells us something about

16:45

the trade networks. In

16:48

the late Bronze Age, goods

16:50

flowed around the eastern Mediterranean,

16:53

around Anatolia, Canaan, Syria, and

16:55

beyond. Great kings

16:57

and petty rulers exchanged

16:59

items constantly. They dispatched

17:02

gifts to one another, building

17:04

relationships and securing agreements. And

17:07

with all that diplomatic trade going

17:09

on, we can imagine the sea

17:11

and the roads were busy with

17:13

caravans and ships. Merchants

17:16

were everywhere, carrying goods for

17:18

royal households. Sometimes

17:20

these merchants worked independently on

17:23

their own initiative. Other

17:25

times, they acted as contractors

17:27

or even employees of palaces

17:29

and kings. That

17:32

is a simplified description, but you get

17:34

the idea. Late

17:36

Bronze Age trade was international,

17:39

and the stories that emerged from

17:41

this period are fascinating. ornamental

18:00

objects and a huge supply of

18:02

copper all stacked within the hold.

18:06

Among those treasures, several came

18:08

from Egypt and others

18:10

had signs of Egyptian influence. The

18:13

most distinctive item for this podcast

18:15

is a scarab, a golden ornament

18:18

bearing the names of Nefer

18:20

Neferu-Aten Nefer-Titi. The

18:24

item is curious, but it gives

18:26

a hint at the trade relationships

18:28

connecting the wider world. Nefer-Titi

18:31

was probably long dead when this

18:33

ship sank beneath the waves and

18:36

yet somebody on board had

18:38

an ornament with her name. The

18:41

item had probably traveled far and

18:43

wide before it met its end

18:46

at the bottom of the Mediterranean.

18:49

This is a small introduction to

18:51

the Ulluburun shipwreck. I

18:54

could have gone much deeper, diving to

18:56

the very depths of the archaeological material.

18:59

But that would be a heavy burden

19:01

and I didn't want to overload our

19:03

voyage. Otherwise, we would

19:05

risk foundering under the weight of

19:07

so much information. So

19:10

consider this a short journey into

19:12

the fascinating tale of Ulluburun. One

19:15

day, I may find an opportunity to

19:17

explore it further. If that

19:19

happens, there will be ample time

19:22

to explore the discovery, excavation, and

19:24

remains of this fascinating vessel. For

19:27

now, it is time to say

19:29

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the 14th century BCE, between 1400 and

20:20

1300, diplomacy spread far and wide. From

20:26

Egypt to Babylon, Assyria to

20:28

Hati, Cyprus to Greece,

20:31

Nubia to Anatolia, messengers

20:34

travelled, traders traded, and

20:36

different groups communicated. Letters

20:39

journeyed between different courts, as

20:42

powerful rulers negotiated and celebrated

20:44

each other's reigns. But

20:47

these kingdoms and communities had their

20:49

own languages and economic systems. Which

20:52

begs the question, how did

20:55

they communicate specifically? What

20:57

languages did they use, and how

20:59

did they translate ideas between different

21:02

cultures? From the Amana

21:04

archives, we get a clue. A

21:07

clay tablet covered in writing reveals

21:09

the scribe's methods for

21:11

communicating internationally. In

21:14

this case, we have a dictionary of

21:16

sorts, or rather a vocabulary.

21:20

This tablet records a long list

21:22

of words in two different languages.

21:25

The first language is Egyptian. The

21:28

second is Akkadian, the language

21:30

from Akkad. Akkadian

21:32

was the diplomatic language of the

21:35

Late Bronze Age. While

21:37

different courts used their own

21:39

languages internally, they communicated

21:41

with one another using Akkadian.

21:44

It was the lingua franca of

21:46

their day, an international tongue used

21:49

for diplomacy. This tablet presents two

21:51

columns. On the left,

21:53

a series of words and phrases

21:55

in Egyptian. On the

21:58

right, the same words and phrases in

22:00

Akkadian. It seems

22:02

to be a guidebook for a scribe

22:05

communicating in both languages. Now,

22:08

based on the writing itself, the style,

22:10

the layout, and the various features of

22:12

their grammar, this tablet

22:14

seems to come from a foreigner,

22:17

someone outside of Egypt and unfamiliar

22:19

with the Egyptian language. With

22:22

that in mind, this could be an

22:24

import to the Amana court. Perhaps

22:27

a scribe from Canaan,

22:29

Syria, Mesopotamia, or Hati

22:32

traveled to Amana, and

22:34

to facilitate their learning and

22:36

communication, they compiled a phrasebook.

22:39

Imagine a lonely planet guide, and you

22:41

might have the idea. The

22:43

tablet is damaged, as usual, but

22:46

many pieces survive. Enough

22:48

to reconstruct the gist of what this

22:50

person was doing. In

22:52

the main body of the text, the

22:55

scribe gives various common words and phrases.

22:58

First, they give the Akkadian version.

23:00

Then, they give the Egyptian. For

23:03

example, the tablet includes a list

23:05

of currencies. One

23:09

shekel of silver is called

23:11

one shenah in Egyptian. Two

23:13

shekels of silver are called two shenah.

23:15

This list goes on all the way

23:18

up to 10 shekels, which

23:20

equals 10 shenah. You

23:22

get the idea. The scribe

23:24

has compiled a quick glossary for

23:27

converting one set of currency, a

23:29

shekel, to another, a shenah. The

23:32

scribe also converts common words. For

23:35

example, they give translations for house,

23:38

door, chair, bed, offering

23:41

table, and more. Simple,

23:43

common words that you would need in

23:45

daily life. Again, it's

23:48

like a phrasebook for a traveller, which

23:50

is a cool idea. Apparently,

23:53

the scribe came from distant lands,

23:56

and to facilitate their life in Egypt,

23:58

they compiled various words. Today,

24:02

this Akkadian-Egyptian vocabulary

24:04

is fragmented, but

24:06

the bits that survive give a tiny

24:08

taste of ancient life, the

24:10

simple but necessary tasks for

24:12

a traveller visiting the Nile.

24:26

Our little phrasebook is not

24:28

the only hint at interesting

24:31

situations in diplomacy. We

24:33

also have information about an

24:35

international dispute, specifically

24:37

an argument between two kings

24:40

regarding the Egyptian monarch. It

24:43

wasn't a war, but it had

24:45

ramifications for the various kingdoms. And

24:48

from this record, we get a

24:50

hint at the anger and the

24:52

pride of distant rulers. The

24:55

crisis began when a minor

24:58

king named Asur Ubalit wrote

25:00

a letter to the Pharaoh. Asur

25:03

Ubalit was the lord of

25:05

Asur or Ashur. This

25:08

was a city and a kingdom

25:10

in northern Iraq. You

25:12

may know Ashur by its modern

25:14

name, Assyria, a famous

25:17

state that built great empires across

25:19

the region. In

25:21

the mid-1300s BCE, Assyria was

25:24

a minor kingdom. It

25:26

had lost a great deal of its

25:28

international standing, and it was temporarily quite

25:31

small. But Asur

25:33

Ubalit was hoping to change that

25:35

situation. The lord

25:37

of Assyria wrote to the Pharaoh with

25:39

a request. Would the

25:42

king of Egypt acknowledge him as a

25:44

ruler? Would the

25:46

Pharaoh grant Asur Ubalit recognition

25:48

and status? This

25:51

was a simple request, but

25:53

he was willing to pay handsomely

25:55

for the privilege. To

25:58

the king of Egypt, thus speaks Asur-Ubalit,

26:00

the king of Assyria. I

26:03

send a messenger to you to visit your

26:05

country. Until now, my predecessors

26:07

have not written to the king of

26:10

Egypt. But today, I, Asur-Ubalit,

26:12

do write to you.

26:16

I send you a beautiful chariot with

26:18

two horses, and a

26:20

stone in the shape of a date

26:22

that is made of genuine lapis lazuli.

26:25

I send this as your greeting gift.

26:28

Please do not delay the messenger whom

26:30

I have sent. He should

26:33

visit your country and then leave for

26:35

Assyria. He should see what

26:37

you are like and what your land is like. Then

26:40

he should return." What

26:43

did that mean? Well, the letter is

26:46

quite simple, a greeting and a gift and

26:48

a request that the pharaoh send the messenger

26:50

back. On the surface,

26:52

it really doesn't sound like much.

26:54

A letter of introduction, or the

26:56

opening lines of an awkward Tinder

26:58

conversation. Asur-Ubalit was breaking

27:00

the ice with the pharaoh. So

27:03

the letter seems inconsequential. But

27:06

this request was more significant than

27:08

it appears. Asur-Ubalit was

27:11

making a bid for recognition

27:13

on the international scene. As

27:16

I said, the kingdom of Assyria was

27:18

small at this point in their history.

27:21

They had been a great power previously,

27:24

and they would be again in the future. But

27:27

at this specific moment, they were

27:29

a minor player in the diplomatic

27:31

game. Asur-Ubalit was

27:33

trying to change that with

27:35

diplomacy. By writing to

27:38

the king of Egypt, he sought recognition

27:40

as a lord and monarch. That

27:42

could be quite valuable. If

27:44

the pharaoh, the king of Egypt, acknowledged

27:47

his status, Asur-Ubalit would

27:49

gain great prestige At

27:52

home, he could say, the pharaoh is

27:54

my friend. And when

27:56

dealing with neighbors, or rivals,

27:58

or negotiating. Asr

28:01

Ubulit could claim far greater

28:03

status than before. In

28:05

the late Bronze Age, recognition

28:08

and prestige among the great

28:10

powers was a valuable asset,

28:12

even a tool in politics

28:14

and diplomacy. That's still

28:17

the case today. Consider

28:19

how great political events can

28:21

unfold when one nation tries

28:23

to change its diplomatic status

28:25

in relation to others. The

28:28

basic idea is that Asr

28:30

Ubulit's letter might seem trivial,

28:33

but reading between the lines, the

28:35

king of Assyria was really shooting

28:37

his shot, making a bid

28:39

for power. Did it

28:41

work? Well, another

28:44

letter survives, also from Asr

28:46

Ubulit. Here the king

28:49

of Assyria reports on what has

28:51

happened since his previous message, and

28:53

we get an idea of where things

28:55

went. Quote, To

28:59

Na'purururur, the great king, king

29:01

of the land of Egypt,

29:03

my brother. Thus

29:05

speaks Asr Ubulit, king of the

29:07

land of Assyria, great king,

29:09

your brother. When

29:12

I saw your ambassadors, I rejoiced.

29:15

May your envoys dwell in my

29:17

presence, in great comfort. I

29:19

have sent as your greeting gift

29:21

a beautiful royal chariot, two white

29:23

horses, and another chariot,

29:26

and a seal made of genuine

29:28

lapis lazuli. End quote. Apparently,

29:31

the pharaoh did respond to

29:33

Asr Ubulit's request. The

29:36

king of Egypt sent envoys to Assyria

29:38

bearing gifts. That

29:40

was a clear statement that he

29:43

acknowledged Asr Ubulit, acknowledged

29:45

him as a ruler, and recognized

29:48

his status. In this

29:50

one shot, the king of Assyria

29:52

got everything he wanted, and

29:54

that even comes through in his language.

29:58

In the first letter, Asr Ubulit, the king of Assyria,

30:00

was a king of Assyria. Ubalit was humble, even deferential.

30:03

He addressed the king of Egypt formally,

30:05

not using the pharaoh's name. And

30:08

he described himself simply as

30:10

king of Assyria. Nothing

30:12

too fancy. But

30:14

in the second letter, he changes

30:16

his tone. Now Asur

30:19

Ubalit uses the pharaoh's name,

30:21

Naqhururia, which is Tutankman. So

30:24

he addresses the king directly as a

30:27

person. And for

30:29

himself, Asur Ubalit upgrades his

30:31

description. Now he

30:33

calls himself the king of the land

30:35

of Assyria, great king,

30:37

and your brother. That

30:40

is quite a self-promotion. In

30:43

the space of two messages, Asur

30:45

Ubalit has seriously risen in prestige.

30:48

The great king phrase is

30:51

significant. In this period,

30:53

the international scene was broadly divided

30:55

between two classes of ruler. At

30:59

the basic level, there were the

31:01

kings, the Lugal in Akkadian. These

31:04

were the rulers of various lands,

31:06

the monarchs of small territories. We

31:09

might call them princes or lords today.

31:11

But they were kings in their own right.

31:15

But then there were the

31:17

great kings, the Lugal-gal in

31:20

Akkadian. The great

31:22

kings were the big boys. Today

31:24

we might call them emperors. Lords

31:28

who commanded multiple lands, multiple

31:30

peoples and communities, multiple territories

31:32

and states. The

31:35

sort of rulers who gathered

31:37

tribute and power from a

31:39

great many places. So

31:42

at a basic level, a king or

31:44

Lugal was a local ruler. A

31:47

great king, Lugal-gal, was

31:49

an international ruler. There

31:52

is more nuance there of course, but that

31:54

has a story for another day. Asur

31:56

Ubalit, king of Assyria, now

31:59

claimed the title. title of Great King.

32:02

He was making his bid

32:04

for international prestige. If

32:06

other rulers acknowledged him as

32:08

a Great King, then Asr

32:11

Ubelit might join that exclusive

32:13

club of the international emperors.

32:16

In context, that was quite a gamble,

32:19

because as far as we can tell, Assyria

32:22

hadn't changed that much in terms

32:24

of its military or economic power.

32:28

It was going to change very soon,

32:31

but at the time this letter was written, the

32:33

king of Assyria was still officially

32:35

a minor power. So

32:38

Asr Ubelit's bid for great recognition

32:40

was quite a gamble. Surely

32:43

his neighbors and rivals would have

32:45

something to say about that. Asr

32:48

Ubelit's letters to the pharaoh were

32:51

bold, and they enraged one

32:53

of his competitors. The

32:55

kingdom of Assyria was, broadly

32:57

speaking, located in northern Iraq

33:00

or Mesopotamia. But

33:02

to the south, another kingdom

33:04

held great power. This

33:06

was the kingdom of Babylon, and

33:09

the lords of Babylon were not

33:11

happy with Asr Ubelit's quest. Following

33:14

the exchange between Egypt and

33:17

Assyria, the king of

33:19

Babylon also wrote to the pharaoh.

33:22

This king, named Bura Buryas,

33:24

was concerned with political events,

33:27

and he engaged the king of Egypt

33:30

directly on the issue. From

33:33

the Amana archive, Bura Buryas

33:35

speaks his mind. Quote,

33:38

To Neb-chor-u-riah, to Dangamon, the

33:41

king of the land of Egypt, my brother,

33:44

thus speaks Bura Buryas, the

33:46

king of the land of

33:48

Kadunyash, Babylon, your brother.

33:50

To me, all is well. To

33:53

you, your house, your wives, your

33:55

sons, land officials, horses, and chariots.

33:57

May it be very well. Now,

34:01

as for the Assyrian,

34:03

Asur-Ubulit, he is my

34:05

vassal, my servant, and

34:07

I am not the one who sent him to you.

34:10

Why have they, the Assyrians, come

34:12

to your country on their own

34:15

authority? If

34:17

you, Pharaoh, love me, then the

34:19

Assyrians will conduct no business with

34:21

you whatsoever. Send

34:23

the envoys away. Send them to me,

34:26

empty-handed." The

34:29

letter is long, I have cut out a large section

34:31

of it, but you get the gist. Buraburias,

34:35

the king of Babylon, was furious

34:37

at the impudence of his neighbor,

34:40

and he told the Pharaoh, in plain

34:43

language, that he should reject the Assyrian

34:45

request. The matter

34:47

was serious, a matter of pride

34:49

and respect between the great kings.

34:52

Surely, Pharaoh would honor his

34:55

friendship with Babylon before he

34:57

honored an upstart wayward Assyrian.

35:00

The dispute is fascinating, both from a

35:02

personal and political point of view. As

35:06

I said, Assyria was technically a

35:08

minor power at this point. That

35:11

was changing, but in terms

35:14

of international prestige, the king

35:16

of Babylon far outranked the

35:18

Assyrians. From

35:20

the language of Buraburias, we get a

35:22

sense that at this point, the

35:25

lords of Babylon claimed rulership

35:27

over the Assyrian lands. At

35:30

the very least, they claimed tribute

35:32

and service from the Assyrian kings.

35:36

So when Buraburias calls

35:38

Asr-Ubalit his vassal, we

35:41

have to assume that there is a

35:43

long-standing relationship between these two powers. The

35:46

fact that the king of Egypt

35:48

is getting drawn into this dispute

35:51

is fascinating. I don't

35:53

need to tell you that it is

35:55

a long way between Babylon and Assyria

35:57

and the land of Egypt. The

36:00

Essengers who were conducting these negotiations

36:02

had to travel for weeks or

36:04

months just to deliver each

36:07

letter, and they probably

36:09

had to stay in each country for

36:11

several weeks at a time, while

36:13

each court or government considered

36:15

their situation. With

36:18

that in mind, we sort of

36:20

have a slow-motion car crash between

36:22

three great powers, or

36:24

rather between two great powers, and

36:27

one minor power who was trying to

36:29

become great. Looking

36:32

at it personally, it's almost funny.

36:35

Boraburias seems very put out

36:37

that his wayward vassal, Asur-Ubalit,

36:39

would dare to transgress his

36:42

authority. Of course,

36:44

there is a great deal of political nuance

36:46

here that we are missing, and which I'm

36:48

skipping over. But

36:50

Boraburias' language is remarkably

36:52

personal. He treats it

36:54

as a matter of friendship, of good

36:56

trust between the great kings. If

36:59

the king of Egypt loves his brother, the

37:01

king of Babylon, then he

37:03

will have no business with the Assyrians. It's

37:06

almost like a playground argument. If

37:09

you're friends with me, then don't be friends

37:11

with that person. But

37:13

you know, at an international scale.

37:17

Unfortunately, we don't know what

37:19

came of this dispute. The

37:22

letter from Babylon is the last fragment

37:24

recording these events. So

37:26

the outcome of this crisis

37:28

remains uncertain. Did

37:30

the Pharaoh back down and

37:33

revoke Assyria's friendship status? Or

37:35

did the king of Egypt ignore

37:37

his distant cousin, Boraburias, and carry

37:40

on as before? Did

37:42

the king of Babylon make any

37:44

attempt to slap the Assyrians down,

37:47

perhaps by diplomacy or conflict? Again,

37:50

we simply don't know. What

37:53

we do know is that these

37:55

kingdoms, separated by thousands of miles,

37:57

were in frequent contact. And

38:00

more importantly, the rulers of

38:02

these lands had surprisingly prickly

38:05

relationships. Pride was

38:07

a strong factor, and the quest

38:09

for recognition or respect could

38:12

easily provoke great anger. Asr

38:15

Ubalit, king of Assyria, was a

38:17

rising player, or at least

38:19

he viewed himself as a rising player. But

38:22

the king of Assyria was trying

38:24

to enter a club, an

38:26

exclusive club, and the Lord of

38:29

Babylon was having none of it. From

38:41

a scribe composing a phrasebook

38:43

to an international dispute between

38:46

diplomats and kings, we

38:48

come to something a little bit

38:50

more unusual. In

38:52

previous episodes, we've explored the

38:54

idea of foreigners living within

38:57

Egypt and rising up to

38:59

prominence in the society. Back

39:02

in the days of Amunhotep II and Tuthmos

39:04

III, around 1400 or so, there is a

39:06

great deal of evidence

39:10

for non-Egyptians, quote-unquote,

39:13

gaining great prominence in Egyptian

39:15

society. The

39:18

status of foreigners is always

39:20

slightly uncertain. We know that

39:22

there was a great deal of flexibility around

39:24

this, but there could also be a

39:27

great deal of prejudice, at least at

39:29

the official level. The

39:31

pharaohs in public and propaganda

39:34

had a somewhat antagonistic relationship

39:36

with outsiders, but

39:39

that is a surface-level

39:41

interpretation. Behind the

39:43

scenes, there is a lot

39:45

more variation and a lot more nuance

39:47

to these relationships. The

39:50

man I am about to discuss

39:52

is an excellent example of this

39:54

situation. In 1987,

39:56

an archaeological expedition at Sakharah, unearth

40:00

a tomb. The tomb

40:03

was dug into a cliff, overlooking the

40:05

Nile Valley. It was

40:07

relatively simple in its design,

40:09

a corridor, a collared hall,

40:11

a staircase leading down to

40:13

subterranean passages. But as

40:15

the excavators dug, the tomb went

40:18

deeper and deeper. From

40:20

the first corridors and halls, the tomb

40:22

opened into a shaft, and

40:24

at the bottom of that shaft, a

40:26

series of chambers appeared. The

40:29

tomb is deep, cut well

40:31

down into the bedrock, and

40:33

it's complicated architecturally. So

40:36

whoever built this tomb was a

40:38

prominent individual, with wealth and status

40:41

in society. So far,

40:43

that's pretty typical. The Saqqara

40:45

Necropolis is home to a

40:47

great many tombs from powerful

40:49

and prominent individuals, especially

40:52

in Dynasty 18. The

40:54

reason this tomb was significant was

40:56

its owner, specifically the name

40:59

of the owner and the evidence

41:01

that we have about his origins.

41:04

The tomb belongs to a man named

41:06

Aper El. This roughly

41:09

translates as the servant of

41:11

El. El is a

41:14

god, or the god, and

41:17

it seems to be a

41:19

common phrase in Canaan, Syria,

41:21

and Mesopotamia for references to

41:23

the Great Deity, the all-powerful

41:25

creator. That is a really

41:27

basic description, I've skipped over a lot

41:29

of nuance there, but you get

41:31

the gist. El is

41:34

a reference to a significantly

41:36

powerful deity, or cosmic creator.

41:39

So who is this Aper El,

41:41

the servant of El, and

41:44

why does he have a large

41:46

tomb in the Necropolis of Saqqara?

41:48

We'll start with the basics. Aper

41:50

El seems to be a foreigner,

41:53

quote-unquote, or at the

41:56

very least, somebody with a foreign heritage.

41:59

It's entirely possible. that Aper-El was born

42:01

in Egypt, grew up there, and lived his

42:03

entire life in the land of the Nile.

42:05

But his family, at least, had

42:08

some connection to Canaan, Syria, or

42:10

Mesopotamia. A connection strong

42:12

enough to use a name like

42:15

Aper-El, the servant of El. Strictly

42:18

speaking, it doesn't matter exactly where he

42:20

came from. The point

42:22

is, where Aper-El went during

42:24

his lifetime, Aper-El was

42:26

a high-ranking official during the

42:29

Amana period. Our

42:31

first reference to him comes

42:33

from the early years of

42:35

Amunhotep IV, the king who

42:37

later became Akhenaten. Aper-El

42:40

seemed to have served Amunhotep IV

42:42

during the first few years of

42:45

his reign. And

42:47

Aper-El was highly placed in

42:49

the king's government. First,

42:52

Aper-El had the title

42:54

Imira-Nut, or Overseer of

42:56

the City. This

42:59

is probably a reference to the

43:01

nearby city of Memphis, or Mennefer.

43:04

It's possible that Aper-El was the

43:06

mayor or governor of that region.

43:09

But he had an even greater title as well. Aper-El

43:12

was a chati. The

43:15

chati is commonly translated as

43:18

vizier, although you could

43:20

also say prime minister or governor.

43:23

Whatever the exact nuance, the chati

43:25

is one of the highest-ranking officials

43:27

in the government. Technically,

43:29

the chati is second only

43:31

to the king. In

43:33

the 18th dynasty, Egypt had

43:35

two chati, a chati for

43:37

the north and a chati for the south.

43:41

Aper-El seemed to be the chati

43:43

of the north. This

43:45

means he was Amunhotep IV's representative

43:47

in the city of Memphis, the

43:49

lands of the Delta, and

43:52

perhaps the Northern Territories. This

43:55

means that Aper-El, the servant of

43:57

El, was for a time

43:59

one of the highest officials

44:01

in Akhenaten's government. Now

44:04

as I said, we don't know

44:06

exactly where Aper El comes from.

44:09

It's entirely possible he was a foreigner

44:12

who somehow rose high in the government,

44:14

or he may have lived in Egypt his whole life.

44:18

Aper El does not make any reference

44:20

to his early career or his childhood,

44:22

at least not within his tomb. So

44:25

Aper El appears fully formed

44:28

as the chaatī, or governor,

44:30

and overseer of the city.

44:33

This means that we are missing

44:35

most of his backstory, which today

44:38

is quite unfortunate. But

44:40

working backwards, we can reconstruct a

44:42

few elements. It's quite

44:44

likely that Aper El became

44:46

a high official during the

44:48

reign of Amunhotep III, the

44:51

father of Amunhotep IV, slash

44:53

Akhenaten. The reign of

44:55

Amunhotep III is well known for

44:57

the extravagant wealth of the court,

45:00

the international connections of

45:02

Egyptian society, and plenty

45:04

of evidence for foreigners visiting the

45:07

region. It's entirely

45:09

possible that Aper El came to

45:11

Egypt during the reign of Amunhotep

45:14

III, or

45:16

he came to prominence in

45:18

that particularly cosmopolitan international court.

45:21

You can read that either way. On

45:24

the evidence we have, we don't know where he

45:26

comes from. But

45:28

what we do know is that

45:30

Amunhotep IV, Akhenaten, continued to

45:32

employ Aper El as his high

45:34

official. He even gave

45:37

him a rather distinctive title. Another

45:40

job that appears in Aper El's

45:42

tomb is First Servant of the

45:44

Aten. This seems

45:46

to be a title related to

45:49

priests who would manage and oversee

45:51

the temples of Aten that existed

45:53

throughout Egypt. So Aper

45:55

El was probably in charge of

45:57

a local shrine to the sun

45:59

god Aten. Arten, which would

46:01

give him access to wealth

46:04

and resources because Amonhotep IV,

46:06

Arkenaten, distributed huge

46:08

quantities of supplies to the

46:10

Arten temples. A

46:13

position like First Servant would also

46:15

imply that Aperlle was close to

46:17

Arkenaten in some capacity, and

46:20

to the very least, Arkenaten

46:22

trusted Aperlle enough to

46:24

raise him high in the temple hierarchy. For

46:28

a king like Artenaten, who was

46:30

so obsessed with that one particular

46:32

deity, that suggests great

46:34

trust or respect between the

46:36

official and the king. Based

46:39

on the king's respect, his esteem, Aperlle

46:42

had permission and could afford to

46:44

build a magnificent tomb. This

46:47

tomb at Saqqara was discovered

46:50

in 1987, and it's

46:52

been under a slow excavation ever since.

46:55

Unfortunately, the tomb itself is in

46:57

quite poor condition. The subterranean

47:00

levels, the chambers down at the

47:02

bottom, are quite unstable.

47:04

The rock is damaged. So

47:07

archaeologists must work slowly, with

47:09

a careful eye for conservation

47:11

and structural integrity. The

47:14

downside of this is that, although it was discovered

47:16

in 1987, the tomb itself still hasn't

47:20

been published. The

47:22

lead excavator, Professor Alan Ziefe,

47:25

has published a few articles on Aperlle

47:27

and a couple of small discussions in

47:29

some of his books. But

47:32

a full scientific publication of this

47:34

tomb has not yet happened. That's

47:37

unfortunate. I want to go

47:39

deeper into this man's career, his life,

47:42

and what we can say about him.

47:44

But for now, reliable information

47:46

is still forthcoming. What

47:49

we can say is that the

47:51

tomb was large, it was complex,

47:53

architecturally, it had beautiful

47:55

decorations, and when it was

47:57

used, the burial furnishings of

48:00

Aperrel and his family were

48:02

quite beautiful. Remarkably, archaeologists

48:04

found the mummy of Aperrel,

48:06

his wife, and one of

48:08

his sons in the tomb

48:11

itself. The coffins had

48:13

been damaged by water seeping in

48:15

from above ground. As a

48:17

result, the mummies of Aperrel, his

48:19

wife and his son had disintegrated,

48:22

leaving just skeletons behind. Nevertheless,

48:25

enough survived from the furnishings

48:28

to suggest that Aperrel had

48:30

a beautiful burial suite. The

48:33

coffins were high quality, probably decorated

48:35

with gold and paint. The

48:37

surviving objects were high quality.

48:40

There were funerary goods, like coffins and

48:42

kennel big jars, and

48:44

also domestic items for daily

48:46

life. The burial included

48:48

cosmetic dishes carved in the shape

48:51

of fish, a sort of

48:53

bust in the shape of a woman's head, probably

48:56

designed for holding a wig,

48:58

pieces of jewelry, and even

49:00

a ceremonial measuring stick, a

49:02

cubit rod, that may have

49:04

been a donation from the king himself. The

49:07

measuring rod had titles and

49:09

epithets for Aperrel, including

49:12

the phrase Aperrel, the

49:14

king's man. Again, this

49:16

suggests that Aperrel was highly

49:18

respected by the ruler of

49:20

Egypt. So going

49:22

through the various items, although they're

49:25

badly damaged, gives a hint

49:27

at a lavish, splendid burial.

49:30

This man must have been wealthy,

49:32

influential in his community, and

49:35

respected by the ruler. That

49:37

begs the question, why have we

49:40

not heard of Aperrel before, and why

49:42

do we not know more about him?

49:45

That question, for now, does not have

49:47

an answer. Perhaps

49:49

the scientific publication of this term will

49:51

give us some more clues. But

49:54

it's entirely possible that Aperrel's

49:56

monuments and his records have

49:59

simply disappeared. It's

50:01

quite likely that this man was

50:03

influential and prominent in the region

50:05

of Memphis. Now,

50:07

unfortunately, the city of Memphis

50:10

is mostly lost archaeologically. Suburbs

50:13

of southern Cairo cover the entire

50:15

area. As a

50:17

result, many of the monuments that

50:19

existed in Memphis are long gone,

50:22

and traces of many individuals

50:24

have disappeared to history. Perhaps

50:28

Aperel was visible and prominent in

50:30

the region at the time, but

50:33

three thousand years have simply erased

50:35

what was left. We

50:37

can't rule that out. But for

50:39

now, it's an interesting question. This

50:42

man, with a distinctly foreign name,

50:45

rose high in the court of Amunhotep III

50:47

and Arkanatan in his

50:49

early years. Aperel

50:51

built a lavish tomb in the

50:54

necropolis of Saqqara. And

50:56

eventually, Aperel himself, plus his

50:58

wife and his son, were buried in

51:01

that tomb. Today,

51:03

the monument is still under excavation.

51:06

But hopefully, the future will reveal

51:08

more and more clues about this

51:10

man, about his family, and

51:12

about their lives. Aperel is

51:14

an intriguing question mark. So,

51:17

hopefully, we can return to him

51:19

in the future. Thanks

51:55

for watching. through

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