Episode Transcript
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Full terms at mintmobile.com. Hello
0:34
and welcome to the Rachman Review. I'm Henry
0:36
Mance. Chief Features Ricer at the Financial Times.
0:38
And I'm standing in this week for Gideon
0:41
while he's on holiday. This
0:43
week's podcast is about Israel and what's
0:45
really going on as the government faces
0:47
mounting international pressure over civilian casualties in
0:49
Gaza. My guest is
0:51
James Schotter, the FTE's correspondent in Jerusalem, who's
0:53
been covering the events of the past five
0:56
months. How is
0:58
the Gaza conflict reshaping Israel's politics?
1:00
And does Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu,
1:02
the great survivor of Israeli politics,
1:05
have a way to cling on to power? In
1:14
Israel at the moment, there is really a
1:16
battle for the soul of the Israeli nation
1:19
between patriotism on
1:21
the one side and
1:23
ideas of Jewish supremacy on the
1:26
other side. That was the
1:28
historian Yuval Noah Harari talking to Sky
1:30
News last week about the divisions that
1:32
have opened up in Israel's political landscape.
1:34
And now there is a huge titanic
1:37
struggle within Israel
1:39
between these two forces. And this
1:42
is my greatest privilege. It's
1:44
not from Hamas. It's not from Hezbollah. It's
1:47
not from Iran. It's from
1:49
this inner struggle that we
1:51
might lose this struggle. Let's
1:54
start by taking a step back. A
1:56
few days after the Hamas attacks on October the
1:58
7th, Benjamin Netanyahu set
2:00
up a five-man cross-party war cabinet
2:03
bringing his arch-rival and former defense minister
2:05
Benny Gantz back into government. Splits
2:08
in that cabinet have been clear ever since, but
2:10
they came to the fore this week when
2:13
Gantz visited Washington to meet senior figures in
2:15
the Biden administration. Gantz's
2:17
trip infuriated Netanyahu who had been stonewalling
2:19
the US's demands for more aid and
2:22
more restraint, but it played into
2:24
hopes in the West that Gantz, who is
2:26
currently leading an opinion polls, would oversee a
2:28
more sober military response than Netanyahu, who
2:31
is dependent on far-right parties. James
2:33
Schoetter, FT Jerusalem correspondent, welcome to the
2:35
podcast. Thank you very much. Now,
2:38
can you explain to us how
2:40
Gantz and Netanyahu disagree over the
2:42
Gaza war? Sure. So
2:45
on the highest level, Gantz has been
2:47
just as insistent as Netanyahu that the
2:49
war can only end when Hamas is
2:52
completely destroyed, but beneath that there's
2:54
been differences on a couple of things. One of
2:56
the most important ones is the question of how to
2:59
bring back the hostages that Hamas still holds in Gaza.
3:01
Netanyahu has repeatedly insisted
3:03
that only overwhelming military
3:06
force would induce Hamas to
3:08
release them, whereas Gantz and his ally, Gaddy
3:10
Eisenkop, who joined the war cabinet with him
3:12
just after the start of the war, have
3:14
been arguing for the last couple of months
3:16
that this approach has reached its limits and
3:19
that there has to be a diplomatic attempt
3:21
to get them home. So that's one thing.
3:24
And the second thing is the
3:26
question of what happens once the war is over. Netanyahu
3:28
has repeatedly put off the discussion
3:30
of the day after in Gaza, partly
3:32
because it's politically difficult for him within
3:34
his coalition, whereas Gantz has been pushing
3:36
for some sort of planning for the
3:39
day after. I think there's also a
3:41
sense that in the negotiations
3:43
about resolving the conflict, he would likely
3:45
be a more emollient interlocutor
3:48
for the Palestinians and the international community
3:50
than Netanyahu. Yeah. And
3:52
we heard at the beginning of this podcast,
3:54
Yuval Noah Harari, talking about patriotism
3:56
versus Jewish supremacy and really saying
3:58
that the internal divisions in Israel
4:01
worried him more than almost the
4:03
external threats, whether from Hamas or
4:05
from Iran. Is that
4:07
how it feels? These divisions within Israeli politics,
4:09
do they go very deep at the moment?
4:12
Yeah, I mean, I think since the
4:14
start of the war, and given how
4:16
deep the shock was that Hamas's attack
4:18
caused, I think at the moment, most
4:20
people in Israel are more concerned about
4:23
the external threats. You know, the fighting with
4:26
Hamas is now contained in Gaza, but
4:28
the trauma of the seven is very
4:30
alive in the Israeli public sphere. And
4:32
there's also fears about the possibility of
4:34
the conflict escalating to include a war
4:36
with Hezbollah in Lebanon. But of course,
4:38
before the war, there were
4:40
deep divisions in Israeli society between
4:43
more religious parts of society and the more liberal,
4:46
more secular parts of society over what sort of
4:48
a state Israel should be. And those haven't been
4:50
resolved. And I think the big question
4:52
for the time after the war is at what point those
4:55
resurfaced. So I think in the long term, those divisions
4:57
are absolutely still there. Many
4:59
listeners who've been following Israeli politics will
5:01
remember the huge street protests against Netanyahu.
5:04
They remember him clinging on despite those. And
5:06
then in the aftermath of October the 7th, he
5:08
did seem to suffer this sharp drop in
5:10
popularity, people blaming him for the attack, you
5:12
know, as the commander in chief for not
5:14
stopping it. Can you bring us up to speed
5:17
on what the position is now? Has he
5:19
in any way recovered the popularity that he
5:21
might have had partly by overseeing
5:23
this long military conflict, which many Israelis
5:25
seem in favor of? No, he hasn't
5:27
is the short answer. So as you
5:29
said, there was this really bitter fight
5:32
in Israel before October the 7th over
5:34
Netanyahu's government's plans to weaken the
5:36
judiciary, which had already seen some of
5:38
the support that they had when they
5:40
won the election in the preceding December,
5:42
Ebb. And then obviously after
5:44
October the 7th, it knows by further. So if
5:47
you look at the polling data, the
5:49
last few polls before October the 7th suggested
5:51
that if an exit has been held then
5:53
Netanyahu's coalition would have got about 54 or
5:55
55 seats in
5:57
the Knesset, which has 120 seats. short
6:00
of the majority and short of the
6:02
64 that Netanyahu's coalition had in the
6:04
wake of the election. After
6:06
October 7, it really created further
6:09
and went as low as 42 or 43 seats.
6:13
That is obviously because Israelis blame, as
6:15
you said, Netanyahu for the failures that
6:17
led to October 7, both the
6:20
short-term intelligence failures and the longer-term
6:22
strategic failures. He was the guy
6:24
who pushed this strategy of triggering
6:27
Hamas as a way of weakening the
6:29
Palestinian Authority and undermining the chances of
6:31
a Palestinian state ever being created. That
6:35
strategy obviously hopefully failed as October
6:37
7 showed. There
6:40
was definitely an intense backlash against him
6:42
in the wake of the war. That
6:44
hasn't really eased much since then. There
6:46
was a poll earlier this week which
6:48
put Netanyahu's coalition on 47 seats. It's
6:50
marginally above where it was in
6:52
the immediate aftermath of October 7, but still far
6:54
away from being able to form the government of
6:56
the next elections and way behind
6:59
the opposition parties that formed the previous government,
7:01
which in the same poll that Netanyahu had
7:04
and Netanyahu's coalition had 47, they had 69. At
7:07
the moment, the war hasn't boosted his popularity
7:09
at all. We have this position
7:11
where Gantz is not on
7:13
board with some of the handling of the war
7:16
where he's leading in opinion polls. How's
7:19
he handled that? Has he been trying
7:22
to steer a course between being loyal
7:24
to Netanyahu and sort of carving himself
7:26
out as distinct? Yes,
7:29
as you said, the immediate aftermath
7:31
of Hamas's attack on October 7,
7:33
he basically crossed the political divide
7:35
and joined this five-man war cabinet
7:37
that's basically overseen the war. In
7:40
the early weeks of the war, there was this
7:43
relatively brief period where political
7:45
fights were put on hold and
7:47
there was a semblance of unity.
7:50
That has begun to fray in
7:52
January. Isengott, who's one of Gantz's
7:55
closest allies, gave an interview in which he declined to
7:57
say that he trusted Netanyahu in which he was a
7:59
leader. She said that elections should be held within
8:02
months because the public have lost faith. In
8:04
the government, although Gantz has been less
8:06
outspoken, he's also criticized
8:09
Netanyahu on various occasions. One
8:11
being when Netanyahu publicly criticized security, chiefs
8:13
of the failures of October 7th, Gantz
8:15
demolished him after that. And obviously
8:17
this latest trip to the US, which wasn't
8:20
sanctioned by Netanyahu and which has sparked a
8:22
lot of criticism from Netanyahu's allies, here
8:24
is the latest sign of these divisions,
8:27
and as you say, of Gantz's attempt
8:29
to sort of position himself as an
8:31
alternative to Netanyahu. I mean, another issue
8:33
that divides Gantz and Netanyahu is the
8:35
question of whether the ultra-orthodox population in
8:38
Israel should perform military service.
8:41
And that is potentially an issue that could
8:43
collapse the government, could make this little
8:46
unhappy marriage of convenience intolerable. I
8:48
mean, it's a really difficult question
8:50
for Netanyahu's coalition. His coalition is
8:53
basically his liquid party plus two
8:55
ultra-orthodox parties and then
8:57
two extreme-right parties. And
8:59
within that, there is a real spectrum of views
9:01
on the question of this exemption. So
9:03
the ultra-orthodox parties are obviously in favor and Netanyahu
9:05
needs them for his coalition, but
9:07
other members of his coalition, such as Defense
9:10
Minister Yauaf Galant, are in favor of increasing
9:12
the number of Faradee who serve in the
9:14
military. It's an issue that's brought
9:16
down coalitions in the past, and
9:19
it definitely has the potential to provoke
9:21
deep splits in this coalition as well.
9:24
Whether there's a way for the government to take
9:27
the can down the road as they've done in the past, or
9:29
whether they really do have to deal with it by the
9:31
end of its months, as the Supreme Court's ordered them to
9:33
do, it's hard to say at this point, but if they
9:35
do have to deal with it this month, then it definitely
9:37
has the potential to be a big showdown between these two
9:39
very different camps. Yeah, and people
9:42
will know that Israeli Jewish men are faced
9:44
with very long military service by international standard,
9:46
two years, eight months, women's time for two
9:48
years. I mean, is the urgency
9:50
around this, or is the pressure on this
9:52
really a question of principle, it's not that
9:54
Israel desperately needs these soldiers to fight
9:56
in Gaza, or indeed to be on the northern border,
9:58
it's a question of... What is the principle
10:01
of this nation? Is it one where people
10:03
are equal in front of the law, or where
10:05
you have religious communities with quite large exemptions? No,
10:08
I think it's both. At the moment, obviously,
10:10
at the time of war, it is a
10:12
much more personal question than in times of
10:14
peace. And the military has recently called for
10:17
their period during which Israelis do reserve duty
10:19
to be extended. So, you know, there's clearly
10:21
pressure on the Israeli military that there wouldn't
10:23
be in peacetime. But obviously, as you said,
10:26
it's also a question of equal rights. It's
10:29
sort of a lightning rod issue
10:31
for frustration within secular Israeli society
10:33
about the position that the Haredi
10:35
enjoy, and the extent to which
10:37
they're able to live a lifestyle that doesn't
10:39
expose them to the same burdens as secular
10:41
Israelis who go to the military, basically as
10:43
a matter of course. And looking
10:46
at this from Europe, from the point of
10:48
view of European governments, and I think the
10:50
US as well, Netanyahu has proved a very
10:52
difficult person to work with over the last
10:54
few months. They felt that their various calls
10:56
for more aid to go into Gaza, or
10:58
for restraint to be shown, or a plan
11:00
for Gaza's future, you know, have fallen on
11:02
very deaf ears. And they
11:04
would presumably welcome the opportunity to work
11:06
with almost anyone on the more
11:09
moderate side of Israeli politics. And I
11:11
suppose for Western public speaking at this,
11:13
they might say, well, why doesn't Gantz
11:15
simply look for an opportunity in the next few
11:17
weeks or months to collapse the war cabinet, and
11:20
to offer perhaps a more pragmatic vision
11:22
of where Israel goes now, and of
11:24
how to handle this conflict? Is he
11:26
simply looking for the best possible
11:28
time to do that? Is there
11:31
any doubt in observers' minds that Gantz's preferred
11:33
option would be to topple Netanyahu, whether that
11:35
requires an election or not? Yes, I think
11:37
when Gantz and Eisenkot joined the war cabinet,
11:40
they made clear that they were just doing
11:42
so for the duration of the war. And
11:45
the expectation on all sides
11:48
of the political spectrum is that as soon as
11:50
the war is over, they will jump
11:52
ship, and that will be the sort of starting
11:54
gun for an election campaign. I mean, it wouldn't
11:56
automatically trigger an election, because Netanyahu's coalition would still
11:59
have the 16th. for seats and partner that
12:01
it had before, it would definitely be seen as
12:03
the point at which everyone else begins gearing up
12:05
for an election. I don't think
12:07
Gantz would do that while the war's going
12:09
on because it would leave him open to
12:11
accusations that he was playing politics at a
12:13
time when Israeli soldiers were fighting and dying.
12:15
So I think he will wait until the
12:17
war ends, but then obviously begs the question,
12:19
how does the war end? If
12:21
it doesn't end from one day to the next with
12:24
some sort of big agreement, but instead sort of peters
12:26
out from high intensity conflict to low intensity conflict to
12:28
sort of Israeli raids to Gaza, at
12:30
what point does he draw the line? But I think
12:33
at some point he and I should probably leave
12:35
the war cabinets. And I think the expectation in
12:37
the Israeli political spectrum is that that will be
12:40
at some point this year so that the government
12:42
won't drag out its mandate
12:44
until 2026, which is the time that
12:46
formally the next elections would be due.
12:49
Right, and I guess the question is how
12:51
cynical observers should be here, but from what
12:53
you've said, Nesigna, who has a pretty clear
12:55
political incentive not to negotiate
12:57
a settlement to this war, not to
12:59
obey the demands for a
13:01
temporary or indeed a permanent ceasefire, which coming
13:04
out of the US and Europe, partly because
13:06
that will give his rivals an opportunity to
13:08
trigger an election. So, you know, he's
13:10
74. In the ordinary political course
13:12
of things, one might expect him to step
13:14
down at some point, but we see that
13:16
he's got this incentive not least to avoid
13:18
corruption allegations. Yeah, I mean,
13:21
he would obviously deny that he's drinking down
13:23
the war to avoid the corruption allegations which
13:25
he's facing, but it's certainly an accusation
13:27
that his critics level at him, just as they
13:29
accused him of trying to weaken the judiciary during
13:31
the battle last year as a means of dealing
13:34
with his legal problems, which of course he also
13:36
denied. But there is obviously a sense
13:38
among Israelis and that Nesigna is not averse
13:40
to letting personal political calculations influence his policy.
13:42
I mean, there was a poll earlier this
13:44
week, which found that, you know,
13:46
plurality of Israelis think that the way
13:48
he's maneuvering around the hostage is
13:51
motivated by political considerations rather
13:53
than substantive issues. But I think
13:56
there is a broad consensus in Israel's
13:58
political class of the war. has
14:00
to go on until Hamas is
14:02
defeated. So even if you don't want
14:04
to be cynical, I think the expectation
14:06
of the war will go on until
14:08
Israel can claim some sort of military
14:10
victory as probably well-founded. That poll you
14:12
mentioned is interesting, right? Because it shows
14:14
that Israelis, although they seem heavily in
14:16
favor of the war, they
14:19
understand that the person who's overseeing that
14:21
war may have very self-interested motives for
14:23
the way in which he's prosecuting it.
14:26
Yes, I mean, that's been an accusation
14:28
that's been leveled at Netanyahu for a
14:30
while, particularly during the last five years,
14:32
where the political deadlock in Israel
14:34
has basically revolved around questions of whether
14:36
Netanyahu is always not fit to continue
14:39
to lead the country. And I mean,
14:41
in terms of stringing out the war,
14:43
or I think as Netanyahu would put
14:45
it, pushing for total victory, I mean,
14:48
what are the prospects for
14:50
an expansion of the conflict in the
14:52
north with Hezbollah? If one were
14:54
looking for self-interested motives, that would enable Netanyahu
14:56
to continue a good deal longer in power.
14:59
Yeah, I mean, clearly if the conflict does expand
15:01
to a war with Hezbollah as well, then that
15:04
would be a much, much bigger scale than what
15:06
we're seeing at the moment. I mean, Hezbollah is
15:08
one of the world's best armed
15:10
non-state actors, and the conflict between Israel and Hezbollah
15:12
would be on a totally different scale from everything
15:14
we've seen before. I think the
15:16
question of whether that happens or not is still
15:19
up in the air. There's a big diplomatic push
15:21
being led by the US to try
15:23
and find a diplomatic solution, but Israel
15:26
has been totally adamant that
15:28
in the wake of Hamas's attack in
15:30
the south, there are fears in Israel
15:32
that Hezbollah could do something similar in
15:35
the north, and Israel is totally adamant
15:37
that they're gonna do everything they can
15:39
to make that impossible, and that requires
15:42
Hezbollah to withdraw from the immediate surroundings
15:44
of the Israeli border. This
15:47
US diplomatic push is trying to find a
15:49
way to persuade them to do that, maybe
15:51
in exchange for, maybe even to demarcate the
15:53
Israeli-Lebanese border, or maybe some economic carrots, but
15:56
whether or not that's achievable is hard to say
15:58
at this stage, but not just Netanyahu. And now, you
16:00
know, also other members of the
16:02
war cabinet, like Yoav Galantz, his defense minister,
16:04
and indeed Gantz actually have been clear that
16:06
if Israel can't achieve its goals on the
16:09
northern border diplomatically, then it's prepared to take
16:11
military action. And yeah, that would obviously be
16:13
a far, far bigger conflict than anything we've
16:15
seen so far. I mean,
16:17
there's huge frustration internationally. The Western governments are, I
16:20
think, hugely frustrated that they haven't been
16:22
able to exert more influence over the
16:24
Israeli government since October. I
16:26
think one of the hopes was that
16:28
the families of the hostages would also
16:31
act as a moderating pressure on Netanyahu,
16:33
that they would be a very powerful
16:35
voice for negotiation with Hamas that would
16:38
ultimately protect civilian lives. How
16:40
is that playing out in Israel? Is the pressure
16:42
from the families of hostages being held by Hamas,
16:44
is that telling on Netanyahu at all? I
16:47
mean, the pressure is definitely growing and the
16:49
hostage families are very organized and their protests
16:51
have become more and more forceful, but it
16:53
hasn't really had an impact on Netanyahu. His
16:55
view throughout the conflict has been that the
16:58
only way to bring the other hostages who
17:00
are still in Gaza home is by applying
17:02
overwhelming military force to Hamas to force them
17:04
to release them. And he has stuck to
17:06
that despite the pressure from the hostage families.
17:08
And as things stand at the moment, it
17:11
doesn't really look like that's going to change.
17:13
And if we look into the medium term,
17:15
imagining, for example, a more moderate figure, albeit
17:17
one on the right of Israeli politics,
17:19
such as Gantz, takes over in Israel,
17:22
does that give any cause to believe
17:24
that the two state solution is workable
17:26
over the medium or indeed long term?
17:29
I think at the moment, if
17:31
you could pose a very little appetite in Israel
17:33
for a two state solution, Netanyahu
17:35
has made clear that he's opposed to this.
17:38
And I think you can see that he's
17:40
already drawing up the battle lines to fight
17:42
the next election on a debate
17:44
about a Palestinian state. And he's going to
17:46
portray himself as the only person
17:48
who can prevent it. And he's going to try
17:51
and portray Benny Gantz as someone who would be
17:53
in favor of creating it. And
17:55
there's no doubt that Benny Gantz would
17:57
probably be a more comfortable partner for
18:00
international community when it comes to
18:02
this question. But what exactly he would be prepared
18:04
to do is also hard to
18:07
say. I mean, the party has spoken of support
18:09
for two entities, but what
18:11
he means by that is not really clear.
18:13
And the extent to which his idea of
18:15
a Palestinian entity would overlap with Palestinian ambitions
18:17
for a state is also quite hard to
18:19
say. And I think that's not by accident.
18:21
I think at the moment his strategy is
18:24
to be as non-committal as possible until he's
18:26
actually forced to be more specific in an
18:28
election campaign. It is probably fair to say
18:30
that he would be a more congenial partner
18:32
than Netanyahu. CNN journalist Parid Zakaria gave a
18:34
pretty impassioned monologue about the conflict a few
18:36
days ago. And he said, and I'm going
18:38
to quote a little bit, he said, Israel is in trauma. And
18:41
as a result, many Israelis are sanctioning policies
18:43
that they will regret deeply. I
18:45
thought those were pretty powerful words. And
18:47
I think one could possibly argue that's too
18:50
strong. And maybe history, even quite recent history,
18:52
suggests that when public moods do turn, it
18:54
takes several years for them to do so.
18:56
So I was thinking about the US opinion
18:58
turning against the war in Iraq. That took
19:00
three or four years. The UK
19:02
public has turned against Brexit, but it wasn't
19:05
immediate regret. And I wonder
19:07
what do you think the possibility is that in
19:09
a few years' time, the Israeli
19:11
public will look back on the response
19:14
to the Hamas attacks, and
19:16
perhaps even agree with some of the international
19:18
criticism that there is now that it's gone
19:20
over the top, that it's actually
19:22
not in the long-term interests of
19:24
Israel to respond so forcefully and
19:26
with such a great deal of
19:28
civilian loss of life? It's
19:31
a good question. I think at the moment,
19:33
Israel is still really in deep trauma. And
19:35
it's hard to overstate what a shock October
19:37
the 7th was for Israel. I mean, this
19:39
is the country that was found
19:41
in the wake of the Holocaust on the notion
19:43
that it would provide a safe haven for Jews
19:45
from persecution. And so to see that mission
19:48
fail so catastrophically on October
19:50
the 7th has left Israelis
19:52
really deeply shaken. And
19:54
as a result, there's this very widespread
19:56
support for the war, Even
19:59
if some people acknowledge. The of destroying amassed
20:01
a to be is not realistic. By
20:03
a sudden the a very unbending desire
20:05
to continue until is no question of
20:07
an attack like okay this athens ever
20:09
happening again. I think be about
20:12
financing this. Worth mentioning if we try to
20:14
bridge the gap between how things look in
20:16
his own healthy clip from abroad. is that
20:18
the intense human suffering in Gaza that you
20:21
with I too bad he features in the
20:23
Israeli media and get people here not confronted
20:25
with the level of awful destruction and death
20:27
that the international community has seeing Gaza. Said.
20:30
Has Autism he has set take into account when it's
20:32
on understand the as eighty maids I think it the
20:34
short term as varied as a chance of that changing
20:37
in the longer term. Yeah it's hard to say but
20:39
I think is he said with us in September eleventh
20:41
with you can't make Them and he thinks he can
20:43
read on time and I think the trauma in Israel
20:45
is so deep that for the me to shift in
20:48
a significant ways when he isn't use me as a
20:50
way. That
20:55
was the same sort of me from to and
20:57
that's it for this week. Please
21:00
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21:02
of Iraq When Movies. Support.
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