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Hello. Several decades ago,
1:36
along with the late Stanley Cohen, I
1:38
wrote a book called Psychological
1:40
Survival. It was based on extensive
1:42
interviews with a group of highly dangerous criminals
1:45
who were housed in the notorious E-Wing
1:48
of Durham Prison. Now, one of the
1:50
matters that interested us was the relationship
1:52
between these men. Their lengthy
1:55
sentences of up to 30 years,
1:57
a penal consequence of the abolition
1:59
of the death penalty, death penalty and the highly
2:01
confined, even claustrophobic
2:04
nature of the E-Wing that
2:06
housed them meant that criminals from quite
2:08
different defending backgrounds, armed
2:10
robbers, leaders of violent gangs and
2:13
individual murderers were
2:15
necessarily in regular, intimate
2:17
contact with each other. Now we did
2:19
hear of internal disputes and even one
2:22
stabbing, but we also learned the peculiar sort
2:24
of harmony that seemed to exist
2:26
among the significant group of inmates who
2:28
had dedicated themselves to weightlifting.
2:32
As one inmate told us, Laurie,
2:34
there are men in here who'd rather add an inch
2:36
to their pecks than knock five
2:38
years off their sentence. Well,
2:41
it was precisely this finding which made
2:43
me turn with keen interest to a new
2:45
book entitled Fighting Identity,
2:48
an ethnography of kickboxing
2:50
in East London, a book which aims
2:53
to show the manner in which kickboxes
2:55
in an East London gym sought to
2:57
reject prior identity markers,
3:00
their race, their gender, their sexuality
3:02
in favour of a new identity
3:05
as fighters. Well, it's all
3:07
though now joins me is Amit Singh, who's
3:09
Leave a Human Early Career Fellow in the
3:11
Sociology Department at the University of
3:14
Manchester. Amit, before we
3:16
discuss your findings, I've just got to ask
3:18
you, just tell me a little bit about the origins
3:20
of kickboxing and what is exactly,
3:23
what goes on in kickboxing.
3:25
OK, well, kickboxing primarily
3:27
is a stand up combat
3:30
sport that involves kicks, knees
3:33
and punching and sometimes the limited stand
3:35
up grappling, but not always. And
3:37
people say they originated
3:40
in Japan in the 1960s as
3:42
kind of a hybrid combat sport,
3:45
mixing kind of karate, traditional Japanese karate
3:48
with Muay Thai, a combat sport
3:50
for Thailand that is very similar, albeit
3:52
allows elbows. So in this kind of hybridised
3:55
rule set, there were no elbows allowed,
3:57
but they retained kind of the other elements, mainly kicking.
4:00
seeking, kneeing and punching. Let's
4:02
turn to the gym
4:04
where you did your research. You
4:06
focus on East End Gym that
4:08
you call Origins Combat
4:10
Gym. Tell me now about this
4:12
gym. What did it look like? Where exactly was
4:15
it?
4:15
So the gym is in a part of East London
4:17
that used to be on a road
4:20
that was called Once the Murder Mile because
4:22
of its association with criminality and
4:25
with a great income inequality but
4:28
is now more subject to the processes
4:30
of gentrification as obviously many parts
4:32
of London are. And the gym is kind
4:34
of situated on
4:37
top of a building, on the third floor
4:39
of a building and I guess we'd
4:41
call it no frills in the sense there's just
4:43
mats on the floor, mirrors
4:45
on one side and then a small ring at the
4:47
back. But I think that's part of the alert-able-ist
4:50
because it was once I guess more a fighting
4:52
gym primarily, only a fighting gym, particularly when
4:54
I was doing my research and even before then.
4:57
But it's now home
4:59
to more of a gym within a gym which is almost
5:02
a fitness-orientated gym as the gym's
5:04
owner I think quite cleverly has tried to
5:06
profiteer off of the new middle
5:08
class people in the area. Members
5:10
of this gym come to see themselves
5:13
as fighters. They renounce or
5:15
refuse other identities.
5:19
Unpack that a bit for me. What
5:21
identities are we talking about? There
5:24
is a large constituency of black fighters, a
5:26
large constituency of broadly Eastern
5:28
European fighters, Polish,
5:29
Lithuanian, Romanian, a couple
5:31
of Slovakian fighters. Then there's queer
5:33
fighters and there's a notable presence of female
5:36
fighters. And within this space
5:38
people argued that in suffering
5:40
alongside one another and kind of sacrificing
5:42
together and engaging in the horrible diets that
5:44
you have to do to make kind of specific
5:46
weights. In the intimacy of kind of
5:48
I guess throwing punches,
5:50
training with one another, holding pads for one another,
5:52
helping one another, that their identities,
5:55
the identities they bring with them into the gym are
5:57
somewhat less important and what they try to do is actively
6:00
disavow identity, they denied their identity
6:02
as being important within the space. And
6:04
I found this quite different to I guess
6:07
many aspects of wider society where people often
6:09
cling to identity, often seeking greater
6:11
recognition. But here,
6:13
they didn't want to be associated purely with their sexuality
6:16
or their class position. Instead, all
6:18
they wanted was recognition as fighters,
6:21
a category that they argued
6:23
freed them from the shackles of identity.
6:25
Because in their day to day lives outside of the gym,
6:28
people didn't associate identity as something
6:30
to be celebrated. Rather, they saw it
6:32
as associated with kind of negative stereotypes,
6:35
with humiliation, with inequality. And
6:37
there were pains to stress to me, there's
6:39
a supposedly egalitarian nature of training
6:41
to fight, allowed new possibilities.
6:44
So Nicole, a black working class
6:46
fighter, she said to me that she had a kind
6:48
of admin job, law
6:51
firm in the city. And she said she knew in her
6:53
words, there was a ceiling and a cap placed on her
6:55
as a black woman. But here within the
6:57
gym,
6:58
there was no limit. Tell me about the the
7:00
factors that perhaps facilitate this
7:02
feeling. What what is it that brings people
7:05
to regard themselves as rather the
7:07
same as each other? It is a very intimate
7:09
sport. It requires you
7:12
to engage kind of safely in what
7:14
otherwise we might think of as violence.
7:16
And there's extreme physical contact that you would
7:18
not get in other sports, for instance, in football,
7:21
or rugby and other team sports, people lend
7:23
their bodies to one another in the gym. Because part
7:25
of it is you don't want to injure your training partners, because if you
7:28
have no training partners left, because they're all injured, so
7:30
people saw their improvement as being intimately
7:33
tied to one another's improvement. And
7:35
then I guess finally, people believe
7:37
the training environment. And I think it was
7:39
to be egalitarian and meritocratic, insofar
7:42
as all fighters are trained at the same time
7:44
in the same way. And for them this contrasted
7:46
with
7:46
the world outside where they saw the world as
7:48
being unfair. These are the words of a black
7:50
Caribbean fighter called Nick who was raised by
7:53
his Jamaican mother, a short
7:55
bus ride from the gym and he joined the
7:57
gym aged 16.
7:59
My shoes have changed over time. Like
8:02
people never liked Polish people, but they came
8:04
in, realised the coup, and it opened up their
8:06
eyes. As a kid, I
8:08
mainly hung out with black kids because I went to school with them. But
8:11
when I came here, I met more people. People
8:13
from all over. Me and Casper,
8:16
we're close friends. We went to Holland
8:18
together, we trained together, invited
8:21
me to Poland. Let's be honest, I'm
8:24
scared. Because there's a black guy
8:26
in Poland, I fear for my safety. One
8:28
day I'll go up to visit him.
8:30
Amish, you say that the gym was once
8:32
perceived to be almost exclusively dominated
8:35
by Eastern, European or Polish
8:38
men. But this has changed, and there
8:40
are now many black members of the
8:42
club. I mean, to what extent do they connect and cross
8:45
racial and ethnic difference?
8:47
I believe that over time, then there has been this overlapping
8:49
between two groups that might otherwise
8:52
not necessarily be mixing with one another
8:55
in day-to-day life. And this worked both ways,
8:57
because although there were still, and I talk about this in
8:59
the book, many cultural misunderstandings, and
9:01
there was obviously still kind of instances
9:04
of racism or xenophobia, Eastern
9:06
European fighters might say, I used to have this view
9:08
of black people. One person said to me, I
9:10
used to have this view of Asian people. I thought Asians were
9:12
lazy, I thought they were dirty. But now
9:14
I realize I was wrong. And I find
9:17
that antithetical to kind of wider liberal
9:19
anti-racism where nobody would admit to ever
9:21
having bad views. Tommy Robinson would
9:23
say, I'm not racist. But here someone sang actually,
9:26
I held these bad views, I was actually racist. But that's because I
9:28
come from Poland, I come from a monocultural, monoracial
9:31
society. And now in this environment,
9:33
this unique environment, where we're intimately kind
9:36
of sharing space, I
9:38
see that as being different. And many black fighters
9:40
similarly, for very kind of different
9:42
complex reasons would say, I used to always
9:44
think Polish people were skimmies, I thought they were racists,
9:46
I thought they were fascists. But now these people
9:49
are my friends. And it didn't just stay in the gym,
9:51
these were friendships that kind of transcended the gym, as
9:53
people kind of created lives together that were intimately
9:55
intertwined in ways that I think were quite
9:58
sweet and quite meaningful. However. though
10:00
everyone was treated the same on the gym floor, there
10:03
were various ruptures. And one
10:05
of the most, I
10:06
think, interesting but also perhaps sad ones
10:08
was that the gym zone who is Polish
10:11
would get regular phone calls from fight promoters
10:13
in Poland, but also in Romania and Slovakia,
10:16
asking him specifically for
10:18
a big black fighter. They
10:20
said, can you bring over a big black fighter to fight
10:22
a white local fighter?
10:25
And in this way we see kind of race, the logic
10:27
of race, racial hierarchies, the
10:29
very racial hierarchies people wanted to escape,
10:32
re-emerging. And these narratives,
10:34
particularly, kind of it brings to mind that kind
10:36
of Jack Johnson and Jim
10:39
Jeffries, the great white, I hope that's kind of the imagery
10:41
that's conjured as a kind of local audience
10:43
of all kind of
10:44
presumably all white audience watch it. And
10:47
one of my friends who refused to go to Poland,
10:49
he said to me, I don't want to go, it's not carnival.
10:52
It's not a Victorian carnival where white
10:54
people are going to watch me as a spectacle. But
10:56
I think people had the choice whether they wanted to go or not. But
10:59
ultimately it did undercut the idea that everyone's
11:01
the same because no one was asking me to go and fight
11:03
there. It was then when asking for a kind of
11:06
a medium sized brown man to go, but there was
11:08
something particular about the idea
11:10
of a big black man going over and fighting there.
11:13
Okay, let me talk about another supposition
11:16
which I might have about the world
11:19
of boxing in general, that it really
11:21
is hyper masculine.
11:24
And really, when you're talking about losing various
11:26
identities, it just seems to me that losing
11:29
as it were masculinity is an identity
11:31
is something one wouldn't expect to find. Yeah,
11:34
in a sense, it is a hyper masculine space,
11:36
a hyper masculine space that is undercut
11:39
though by
11:40
levels of vulnerability that I guess wouldn't
11:42
be expressed necessarily in other masculine
11:44
spaces. The vulnerability people
11:46
share, the kind of real moments of weakness, real
11:49
moments of kind of care and
11:51
mutual care. But I guess thinking
11:53
then about the
11:54
female fighters in the group, because there was a notable
11:57
constituency of female fighters, they
11:59
would
11:59
argue often that they could escape gender.
12:02
Gender wasn't the same inside the gym, they were recognised
12:04
as fighters, not as women. They could escape
12:07
the associations of women with weakness
12:10
and so on. And I think at times
12:12
that did play out because we trained with everyone at
12:14
the same time, when we sparred, we sparred with everyone,
12:16
we switched partners seamlessly or it should
12:18
be seamlessly. However,
12:20
in garnering respect,
12:22
there was no space for female fighters to
12:24
show femininity in any way. Women had to
12:26
demonstrate kind of hard work, strength, stoicism
12:28
on the gym floor. And in that sense, I felt
12:31
like masculinity obviously is
12:33
kind of a dominant code within the gym. And
12:35
there were times, limited times,
12:37
one of which I talk about in the book, where a man
12:39
refused to train with a female fighter. He said, I don't
12:42
train with women, even though
12:44
everyone's meant to be a fighter, everyone's meant to train with
12:46
everyone. So we can see these kinds of social
12:48
discourses return in ways that obviously
12:51
don't happen to men because it never happened that amount
12:53
of time. I wouldn't train with another man. You've
12:55
said already the gym rather exists between the
12:58
old and the new East London. And
13:00
it is, I understand, being a bit altered by gentrification.
13:03
I mean, is this new gentrification,
13:05
new money coming in, if you like, altering
13:08
the production of a shared
13:10
fighting identity?
13:12
We see a difference between kind of the casual gymgoer,
13:14
if you like, the fitness gymgoer who comes in
13:17
the gym's owner's words, they want to
13:19
pretend they train like fighters, but they don't
13:21
want to fight because he's a people with proper jobs
13:23
don't want to get hit in the face. And so
13:25
we see people coming in to consume an experience
13:28
not otherwise afforded to them. It's almost
13:30
cosplay, I guess, if you like, as fighters, in
13:33
the same way that white collar boxing has this appeal
13:35
amongst certain demographics. And
13:37
then there's this distinction then between fighters
13:39
and non fighters and fighters would say, well, we're better
13:41
than
13:42
them because we fight, but the non fighters
13:44
largely are kind of middle class, they have professional
13:46
jobs, not afforded to fighters. And
13:49
we see this play out and there was one instance in
13:52
the book that I write about where a
13:55
local guy, he was a lawyer and
13:57
he watched me and my friend train and his son said, oh,
13:59
they're
13:59
quite good aren't they? And then he said to his son,
14:02
yeah it's because they have nothing better to do. Obviously
14:04
I was doing my PhD at the time so he was right,
14:06
I didn't have anything better to do. But you
14:08
see there's kind of a distinction going on there in which he
14:10
sees himself as better than us and I think that was a
14:12
tension that was beginning to emerge, especially
14:15
as fighters are the ones coaching these people.
14:18
Good for the gym's owner though, he's obviously making a lot of money
14:20
and the kind of economy
14:22
for fighting gyms is not good. It's a niche
14:24
sport Muay Thai is and kickboxing, they're niche sports.
14:27
It's good that he is kind of making a good living off of it
14:29
but it doesn't bode well I don't think for
14:32
many of my friends, many of my training partners. And
14:34
there we must stop. Amit Singh that was absolutely
14:36
fascinating, thank you, thank you so much. Thanks
14:39
also to those like the Reverend Tim
14:41
Evans who were prompted to email
14:43
me at thinkingaloud.co.uk in response
14:45
to last week's discussion
14:48
of the manner in which Britain might be seen now,
14:51
or perhaps has always been, a lower
14:53
middle class nation. And
14:56
the winner is the draft box.
15:04
On Sunday
15:05
night this week I had a chance to watch
15:08
boxing on the television, specifically
15:10
the fight in which Chris Eubank Jr
15:13
overcame his old rival Liam Smith.
15:15
Well I watched with my usual mixture
15:18
of, well of spiritual
15:20
guilt and visceral pleasure you might
15:23
describe it. But on this occasion I did
15:25
at least I had an additional excuse for
15:27
my indulgence because I knew
15:30
that in this present programme I'd be meeting
15:32
an academic who'd set out to investigate
15:34
one of the key justifications
15:37
which are advanced for the sport. The
15:39
claim that it is a potential cure
15:42
for a range of social ills
15:44
including criminal justice, mental
15:46
health and childhood trauma. Well
15:49
that academic is Deborah Jupp who is
15:51
Reader in Criminology at Manchester Metropolitan
15:53
University and whose paper co-written
15:56
with Amy Blakemore of the University of Manchester
15:59
is entitled. titled, Chure du
16:01
Jour, exploring the potential
16:03
of boxing as a mechanism for change
16:06
among vulnerable groups. Well,
16:09
Deborah now joins me. Deborah, you
16:11
do know a pretty widespread assumption
16:14
among criminal justice practitioners
16:17
and policymakers that boxing can
16:19
help young men desist
16:21
from criminal activity. Tell me a little
16:24
bit about the history of that assumption.
16:26
Well, like many sports, boxing emerged
16:28
from ancient Greece and was seen
16:30
as a civilising influence in society,
16:33
rather as an outlet for male violence
16:36
whilst instilling virtues of discipline,
16:38
strength and courage. I think
16:40
this influence has prevailed and I think it
16:43
is quite easy to assume from a packed
16:45
local gym on a Friday night that
16:47
this civilising influence positively impacts
16:50
on crime rates in the locality. However,
16:53
there is currently no evidence whatsoever to
16:55
show that it reduces
16:56
crime overall. To date,
16:58
there's been no large scale studies in the UK
17:01
that have been conducted to show that boxing
17:04
is singularly effective at reducing crime.
17:07
I mean, you bring in a very interesting
17:09
account of the way in which
17:11
boxing has been said to assist marginalised
17:14
communities to get over criminality and
17:16
that's that Wacom's book, Body
17:19
and Soul, notebooks of an apprentice boxer.
17:22
In this he does suggest, as it were,
17:24
that members discover the gym's island
17:27
of stability. Tell me how
17:29
you read Wacom.
17:30
Yes, Wacom was probably one of the first
17:34
sociologists to
17:36
kind of do an ethnography into
17:38
a boxing gym and I do
17:40
align with Wacom's suggestion
17:42
that the boxing gym can be an island of stability
17:45
and order and I believe that's a
17:47
result of its monastic appeal. It
17:49
can be familial, routinising
17:52
and disciplining for some and
17:54
this is no bad thing in criminology,
17:56
you know, the devil's work and idle hands etc.
17:59
And it's interesting because boxing gyms
18:02
do have the potential to, what we say,
18:05
incapacitate people at times
18:07
when they may otherwise be involved in crime
18:09
or on the streets committing antisocial
18:11
behaviour. But where I am
18:14
mindful of this is that we need to be aware
18:17
of the messages that are being perpetuated
18:19
within these spaces.
18:21
Talking about the ways in which
18:23
boxing might be associated with
18:26
reductions in criminality brings
18:28
me round to the subject of domestic
18:31
violence. What would you
18:33
like to say about that in relation
18:35
to boxing?
18:37
Boxing gyms can incapacitate men
18:39
at times when they might otherwise be involved in crime
18:41
and you'll see crime rates go down in the locality.
18:44
But what nobody really has looked at is
18:47
arguably the over-representation of domestic
18:50
violence amongst the boxing community
18:52
as perpetrators. Nobody's
18:54
really looking at the messages that are being transmitted
18:57
in the gym, that violence is an acceptable
18:59
solution to a problem and how that might transmit
19:01
into the whole. And its implications for domestic
19:04
violence. Absolutely, yeah. You argue
19:06
that boxing is a panacea for crime reduction. It's
19:08
probably a myth to bust, not
19:11
just in boxing circles but also
19:13
in policy and academic discourses.
19:16
Give me a few examples of what might be termed myth
19:18
creation, rooted in poor
19:21
or ambiguous evidence.
19:23
These myths are usually anecdotal
19:25
statements and you can hear them.
19:28
One has to listen to the
19:30
narratives of many famous boxers to hear
19:32
them say, without boxing I'd be in jail
19:35
or dead. And this discourse
19:37
has then been mythologised into popular culture
19:40
whereby narratives of survival and redemption
19:42
become tantamount to success. There
19:45
is an
19:45
all-party parliamentary group on boxing
19:47
which produced a report called Boxing the
19:50
Right Hook. That talks about the benefits
19:52
of boxing in crime reduction doesn't it?
19:55
It does indeed, but what it
19:57
doesn't talk about is the appeal of the
19:59
boxing gym.
19:59
And I think that's a really important
20:02
point. We need to move away from the actual tangible
20:05
reduction in crime to look at more
20:08
of what are the what are the cognitions
20:10
being created within these gyms, what are the messages
20:12
that these young people are inculcating. Why
20:15
are badminton clubs not touted as panaceas
20:17
for crime reduction? Or table tennis
20:20
clubs as narratives of redemption? I
20:22
believe it's the masculine affirming
20:24
appeal of the boxing gym that forms
20:27
part of its draw. This
20:29
appeal
20:29
was about the prevention
20:32
of repeat victimisation. And
20:35
what I mean by that is roughly 80% of
20:37
men had experienced prior
20:40
violence at the hands of other men who I spoke
20:42
to. And boxing for them
20:44
was a way to disavow victimhood
20:48
through what Bourdieu might refer to as
20:50
physical capital and what Wecant
20:52
also talks about as well in Body
20:54
and Soul, that embodiment of power
20:57
and prestige. Dick Hobbs,
20:59
a famous sociologist, criminologist
21:02
might refer to this as violent potential.
21:06
You don't have to always necessarily fight,
21:08
you just have to convey the idea that you
21:10
could do. And I think this idea
21:12
of physical capital combined with violent
21:15
potential can create an
21:17
illusion of safety and an ability
21:19
to command respect and obedience from others,
21:22
which also it can transpose over to
21:25
similar messages that are kind of transmitted
21:27
within street code or gang
21:29
culture, we might say. So I think it's
21:31
important to understand not just boxing
21:34
as a hitting bag sparring
21:36
in the ring, but we need to think about it's masculine
21:39
affirming appeal and as a way
21:41
to defend against vulnerability. I
21:44
interviewed a lot of young men
21:46
who'd had prior histories of criminality
21:50
in my work over the years. The word
21:52
respect kept coming up a lot and
21:55
I wanted to unpack that and
21:57
the best kind of definition of the word
22:00
that I could find came from Emmanuel
22:02
Kant and he said that respect
22:05
means being worthy of consideration
22:07
and I think for some young people
22:09
who don't necessarily feel worthy because
22:12
of structural impediments or
22:14
structural violence then that
22:17
that being worthy of consideration
22:20
being worthy of respect can
22:22
become vastly important to
22:24
them and I think actually
22:27
violence is a quick sure way to achieve
22:29
that
22:29
it's a it's an easy quick resource
22:32
and it can really garner a sense of respect
22:35
quite quickly amongst other young
22:37
men. I want to talk
22:38
to you now about a project you've been involved
22:40
in we've mostly been talking obviously
22:43
about men and boxing so far
22:45
in the program but you've recently
22:47
been involved in a project which focused on young
22:49
women the Getting Out
22:52
for Good the GOFG project
22:54
it's a five-year project I
22:56
think it works with young women at risk of
22:58
child sexual exploitation and
23:01
child criminal exploitation in the
23:03
northwest of England. Now tell me a little
23:05
bit about this project what it involves
23:07
and what were its aims
23:08
and how it relates to what we've been
23:10
talking about so far. So
23:11
we devised a project that worked with
23:13
over 130 young women aged between 14 to 24 at
23:17
risk of sexual violence and
23:20
they were given a three-month intensive
23:22
intervention of boxing but combined with
23:24
mentoring and it was with the
23:26
aim of reducing their vulnerability
23:28
to sexual exploitation and around
23:31
increasing mental well-being and mental health.
23:33
Now based on this previous notion of prevention
23:36
of repeat victimization that I discussed earlier
23:39
I was interested in whether boxing could help
23:41
these young women who'd previously experienced
23:43
violence. We actually discovered
23:46
that boxing when combined with mentoring
23:48
can help reduce anxiety and depression.
23:50
Now we think this is because
23:52
of its intense three-minute round it's
23:54
not dissimilar to interval training which
23:57
has which has proven to reduce
23:59
anxiety. depression. So we
24:01
are seeing that boxing can
24:04
have some positive benefits on on mental
24:06
health and mental well-being. We
24:08
did note these self-reported improvements
24:10
in physical well-being as well, which you
24:12
could say is concomitant with with mental
24:14
health. And we drew on
24:16
the famous work of Betel van der
24:19
Kock, who famously wrote The Body Keeps
24:21
the Score, and we drew on his theory
24:23
of inter-reception. And that's
24:25
a body-based awareness that
24:28
gives rise to understanding how we feel
24:30
about certain events. He suggests
24:32
that the greater the awareness of the body and mind
24:34
connection, the greater the potential to control
24:37
our lives. And this will make sense
24:39
in the context of boxing programs for
24:41
young women that seek to mobilise
24:44
these young people into making more positive choices.
24:46
That you almost feel that this
24:48
emphasis upon boxing as
24:50
a way of dealing with crime
24:52
is distracting from
24:54
the possible benefits that it may bring
24:57
in terms of mental problems, anxiety,
24:59
loneliness, all those other problems.
25:02
Absolutely, yeah. I think
25:04
the idea of boxing being a panacea for
25:06
all social ills is very misleading.
25:09
I think it's also very interesting the
25:11
distinction between boxing itself and
25:13
martial arts, because there is
25:15
some evidence that from around 1995
25:19
from Derek Kruger that suggests that
25:21
martial arts can have more of a positive
25:24
impact on violent attitudes
25:26
than standalone boxing. I'm
25:29
a bit reticent to make any further claims
25:31
without controlling for social class, and
25:33
I found it very interesting that Amit talked about
25:36
that towards the end, because martial
25:38
arts do tend to attract more middle-class
25:41
participants with arguably
25:43
less prior victimisation, or
25:46
what Senate and Cobb might refer
25:48
to as the hidden injuries of class, a
25:51
lack of perceived self-respect that can lead
25:53
to a sense of shame, and it
25:55
reminded me of what one participant said
25:57
to me, which was it takes a certain amount of time to make a difference in the world.
25:59
kind of person to want to get hit for
26:02
fun. Let's pick up on that certain
26:04
sort of person because you are that certain sort
26:06
of person because you've done a lot of boxing yourself I
26:08
think and tell me about your
26:10
own experiences in the ring.
26:12
I worked in youth offending
26:14
for many years and I would I would meet
26:16
young people coming out of prison and I'd say to
26:18
them what do you want to do you know I can get
26:20
you a job and they'd say well
26:22
either want to do boxing or I want to do music
26:25
and this led me to want to unpack
26:28
why boxing was boxing a good
26:30
avenue to kind of refer these
26:32
young people who've been in prison into and
26:35
I thought one of the ways that I would kind
26:37
of really understand it would was
26:39
to do it and I I come from a working
26:42
class background myself my brother was a boxer
26:45
as far as I know there's only been two other women
26:47
who've done ethnographies in boxing gym and that's
26:49
Cath Woodward and Louise
26:51
Trimble in the States and
26:54
when I first got to the boxing gym and nobody
26:56
spoke to me at all I was referred
26:58
to as that girl because
27:00
I was sat there on the mats kind
27:03
of with them you know the old journalist pen and paper
27:05
it was actually a 14 year old boy who came
27:07
up to me and said why don't you why don't you just fight
27:10
and I thought yeah you know what he's right and
27:12
I got stuck in and yeah about three
27:14
or four months into into
27:17
the ethnography I I realized
27:19
that boxing was reciprocal and that you actually
27:21
do get hit and it isn't just
27:22
a case of you hitting somebody and yeah
27:24
I walked away with a broken nose. Deborah,
27:27
thank you very much. Amish I'd just like
27:29
to come back to you for a moment I wonder if you'd care
27:31
to comment on Deborah's
27:34
research on boxing. No you didn't at
27:36
any point in your discussion suggest as it were
27:38
that the kickboxing led to a reduction
27:40
in crime that
27:42
would you want to say that kickboxing really
27:45
does transform people's lives
27:47
in the same way that there are many
27:50
assertions about boxing.
27:51
Most or almost all of my respondents
27:54
described it as a transformative process
27:56
in the sense it transformed their bodies kind of as
27:59
Deborah suggested.
27:59
through kind of a physical transformation, getting
28:02
fit, but also mainly in terms
28:04
of self-mastery, because the majority of my
28:06
respondents were kind of working class, they
28:08
were black and brown, they were Eastern European, and
28:11
they felt that they had no control over their lives in the
28:13
world outside. One of my respondents,
28:15
Daniel, who, in his own words, was involved
28:17
in gangs growing up, but was outed
28:20
by one of the gangs for his sexuality
28:22
because he was gay, which led to his
28:24
social death, he described to me. No one would
28:26
talk to him, but he said within the gym, he found
28:28
the community that allowed him to kind of be at
28:31
home and a family that took him in. It
28:33
had a major impact on his life. And I think additionally,
28:36
people saw the gym as a kind of respite
28:38
from the mundane nature of social
28:41
life outside, the mundane nature of work,
28:43
the harshness of work, the harshness of their bosses,
28:46
even to the extent where many people felt they had no
28:48
purpose outside, they had no qualifications. So
28:51
they became personal trainers and became coaches within
28:53
the gym, kind of entrepreneurs in
28:55
a way they would not have been able to outside of the
28:57
space. Amit Singh, thank you
28:59
very much.
28:59
And just perhaps some final words from
29:02
the ever-wise and much-missed Muhammad
29:04
Ali.
29:05
It isn't the mountains ahead to
29:07
climb that wear you out. It's
29:10
the pebble in your shoe. That
29:12
was a Thinking Allowed podcast
29:14
from BBC Radio 4. You'll find a treasure
29:17
trove of other Thinking Allowed programs on
29:19
BBC Sounds.
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