Episode Transcript
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0:00
We'll. Hear argument first this morning
0:02
in Case Zero Eight, Fourteen Ninety
0:04
Eight Older vs. Humanitarian Law Project.
0:07
And the Cross petition. Hey
0:12
everyone this. Is Leon from Prologue
0:14
projects On this episode of Five
0:17
to Four, Peter Riyadh in and
0:19
Michael are talking about Holder v
0:21
Humanitarian Law Project. This case was
0:23
brought by the Law Project to
0:26
preemptively challenge a law that would
0:28
make it illegal to provide material
0:30
support or resources to groups that
0:32
the Us Government classifies as terrorist
0:34
organizations. Sounds reasonable enough, but look
0:37
a little closer and they've written
0:39
the law so broadly that criminalizes
0:41
sure speech. The core. Of
0:43
what are the First Amendment is designed
0:46
to protect, The result of the law
0:48
is that lawyers cannot provide representation to
0:50
organizations on the government's terrorism list, even
0:52
when the lawyers work is meant to
0:54
push the group's towards more peaceful and
0:57
legal solutions. This is five to four
0:59
podcast about how much the Supreme Court.
1:01
Sucks. Welcome.
1:07
To five to four where we dissect
1:09
than analyze the Supreme court cases that
1:12
have destroyed our civil rights like an
1:14
eclipse destroying Donald Trump's redness. Nine, Peter.
1:17
I'm here at Michael Everybody and ran
1:19
a. High not my retinas.
1:21
I'm different. Death I listen to
1:23
you the medical science and as
1:25
your I now Merkel science as
1:28
well. This
1:30
is not based on anything, but I do believe that he
1:32
looked at this one too. I believe I can't look at
1:35
all of them. That we all have the
1:37
hard evidence of the video at the
1:39
White House of the President on the
1:41
balcony staring up directly into the Eclipse.
1:43
By I believe in my heart that
1:45
it did happen again. My sincere belief
1:47
is that he did it the first time
1:49
ever and made fun of him. Me, he
1:51
did not have any adverse effects and that
1:53
convinced him that in fact, common wisdom is
1:55
wrong and you can look at eclipses. And
1:58
then he did it again, this time. Even
2:00
more weight. So you think Trump did it
2:02
again, ran and you think Biden did it
2:04
as well. Hello know I did it again
2:07
by feminists are just not at the white.
2:09
House Yeah, I want to put
2:11
it back. Biden deficit Vasil as
2:13
it is not. you do spears
2:16
this with. A
2:18
subsidy in a whole conversation with as. Far
2:22
as today's case Holder
2:24
v Humanitarian Law Project,
2:26
this is a case
2:28
about. The. Patriot Act.
2:31
And. Terrorism. And
2:33
also free speech. As.
2:36
You probably know. The Patriot Act
2:38
was a piece of legislation passed
2:40
in the wake of Nine Eleven,
2:42
ostensibly to combat terrorism, though it
2:44
is most famous. For. Being a
2:46
little light on it's respect for
2:48
civil liberties. It's perfect. Yeah,
2:51
you could say that as. Though it's against
2:53
the law to provide material
2:55
support to. Designated.
2:57
Of foreign terrorist organizations and and
2:59
a Patriot Act comes along and
3:01
goes even farther than that. And.
3:04
Says at this includes providing
3:06
training or expert advice or
3:08
assistance to terrorist organizations. Now,
3:10
the Humanitarian Law Projects and
3:12
some other plaintiffs brought this
3:14
to ports on the grounds
3:16
that it potentially violates the
3:18
First Amendment. They. Pointed out
3:21
that they provide material support quote
3:23
unquote to the Kurdistan Workers Party,
3:25
The Pkk, and the Liberation Tigers
3:28
of Tamil. The Alarm On The
3:30
Tamil Tigers. Both. Designated
3:32
Terrorist Organizations sense. But.
3:35
The support that they provided as
3:37
organizations is decidedly non violent. In
3:39
fact, they are trying to train
3:41
them on peaceful conflict resolution, such
3:43
as how to bring human rights
3:45
violations before the Un. So.
3:47
They're saying hey, are not actually
3:49
providing support Terrorism We have a
3:52
right to free speech and free
3:54
association as long as we're not
3:56
actually facilitating violence. So. This.
3:58
Law is unconstitutional. But. The
4:00
Supreme Court. In a six
4:02
to three decision. says. No.
4:05
Terrorist. Groups are bad guys city
4:07
and you can't be friends with bad
4:10
guys then? yeah, can't do anything with
4:12
bad guys that would make them less
4:14
bad. Yeah, crazy right? advice. Either bad,
4:16
they're bad if you do anything with them that
4:18
movie or bad. We sat down like that's what
4:20
this. Comes after if offences. We're
4:24
not discussing this any further. To
4:26
fit right. Let's
4:29
jump right in here. There's some terrorism and
4:31
them, let's let's jump right in here.
4:33
And like Peter said, there's a lot
4:35
happening in this case. Ah, the boys
4:37
are laughing while I'm saying this. Because.
4:39
It's it's. it's it's. It's
4:42
he says. I started this sentence by saying
4:44
this case was about. Terrorism that here
4:47
are the. Rally
4:49
Defeat The Okay really can't live
4:51
out in or know it is
4:53
about me being terrorized by John
4:55
Roberts. Yeah, many ways. Oh, Absolutely.
4:58
Yeah, this was terrorism to my
5:00
brain to read this opinion. Absolutely
5:02
Okay, so let's start out by
5:05
taking us back to the mid
5:07
nineties. In. Ninety Ninety Six,
5:09
Congress passed the Anti Terrorism and
5:11
Effective Death Penalty Act. That's A
5:13
E D P A. It's known
5:16
as Admin. And an At
5:18
the made it illegal to provide material
5:20
support. To foreign groups that
5:22
are designated by the United States
5:25
government's as terrorists organizations. So
5:27
who decides who the foreign
5:29
terrorist organizations? That's. The Secretary of
5:31
State. And the law
5:33
says that giving material support
5:35
to any of those foreign
5:37
terrorist organization is a crime.
5:39
So what is material support
5:41
mean That is defined pretty
5:43
broadly. and the Patriot Act
5:45
which was passed some years
5:48
after at baths expanded the
5:50
definition of material support even
5:52
more. Material support is defined
5:54
as giving funds and tangible
5:56
goods to an organization. obviously
5:58
literally material support. It
6:00
also includes any quote
6:02
service. Expert advice or
6:04
assistance. Training and
6:06
personnel. Now. We'll talk about all
6:08
of this in a minute, but like a lot of those
6:10
things can be applied. To speeds. Speech.
6:13
Can be assistance. So.
6:16
Under the law individuals face up
6:18
to fifteen years in prison for
6:20
providing. Any of this
6:22
material support to foreign terrorists
6:24
organizations, even if their work
6:26
is intended to promote peaceful,
6:28
lawful objectives. So. Enter
6:31
it the Humanitarian Law Project. This
6:33
was a Human Rights Organizations in
6:35
American nonprofit corporation founded in Nineteen
6:37
Eighty Five in Los Angeles. The
6:40
organizations mission was to promote quotes,
6:42
a peaceful resolution of conflict by
6:44
using establish international human rights laws
6:47
and humanitarian law. So. At
6:49
the time, Epa with past H
6:51
O P had already been working
6:53
the two organizations headed soon be
6:55
designated as foreign terrorist groups by
6:57
the United States. As Peter said
6:59
those words, the Kurdistan Workers Party,
7:01
The Pkk and the Tamil Tigers.
7:04
So. The humanitarian law has. Provided.
7:07
Various forms of support for.
7:09
The. Humanitarian and nonviolent political
7:11
activities of these two groups. So
7:14
for example, with the Pkk in
7:16
Turkey, H O P had been
7:18
providing training and expertise or unlike.
7:21
Dispute. Resolution Right through peaceful
7:23
and lawful means. It taught the
7:25
Pkk how to file human rights
7:28
complaints before the United Nations. It
7:30
helps to damn with advocacy for
7:32
Kurdish human rights in Turkey. It
7:34
assisted the Pkk in making connections
7:36
between the party and the Turkish
7:39
government. To convene peace talks. Stuff.
7:41
Like that right? Like this is nonviolent
7:43
work. This is the promotion of nonviolence.
7:46
Any encouragement of like diplomacy through
7:48
lawful means and to whatever extent
7:51
some of the activities of these
7:53
organizations like the Pkk were unlawful
7:56
or violence. That's not what H
7:58
O P. Was supported. By.
8:00
With At Bar and the Patriot Act
8:03
defining material support in the way that
8:05
they did, including in the definition of
8:07
material support. Raining and
8:10
advice or assistance. The.
8:12
Humanitarian Law Project was worried that
8:14
it's activities were suddenly made illegal,
8:16
right and would expose them to
8:18
criminal prosecution since it could count
8:20
as material. Support to a
8:23
foreign terrorist organization. So.
8:25
When the law was passed, but
8:27
before it went into effect, H
8:29
O P and other organizations that
8:31
were doing similar work who had
8:33
similar concerns, they sued in what's
8:35
called a pre enforcement. Challenge?
8:37
You're You're suing to Challenge.
8:39
The constitutionality of a new loss before
8:41
it's ever enforced. Saying if it is
8:44
enforce this is going to. Be
8:46
unconstitutional. So. That's how this
8:48
case makes his way to the Supreme Court. Yes,
8:50
Of the Law makes it illegal
8:53
to provide material support to organizations
8:55
that the United States government has
8:57
designated to be terrorist organizations and
8:59
that includes things like training and
9:01
expert advice and humanitarian law Project
9:03
wants to provide. Training.
9:05
And expert advice. Yes, you the
9:08
Pkk in the tunnel tigers rights
9:10
So they say hey, this violates
9:12
our First Amendment rights to free
9:14
speech and association. We wanna talk
9:16
to these folks, convey perfectly legal
9:19
non violent information to them. Ah,
9:21
and you are punishing that And
9:23
you're punishing us for our association
9:25
with them. And nothing more like
9:27
John Roberts. Rights. The Majority
9:30
Opinion. First things first, there are
9:32
some arguments about statutory interpretation and
9:34
constitutional vagueness doctrines that we're going
9:36
to skip because they're boring and
9:38
also I want to focus on
9:40
the core question of free speech
9:42
rain But before we do, I
9:44
wanna once again on his podcast
9:47
state that John Roberts system is
9:49
the worst writer on the court
9:51
is so bad and maybe I
9:53
don't want to say like the
9:55
worst. Writer: and supreme court history
9:57
i don't know whether that's true i will say this
10:00
There is no writer that I enjoy reading less.
10:03
And we've read a whole bunch of fucking opinions.
10:05
I'll tell you that. At
10:07
least 150 years ago, if you were a terrible
10:09
writer, you only wrote like three pages. You know
10:11
what I mean? I'm going
10:13
to do my best to articulate what
10:15
I think Roberts is saying in this
10:17
opinion. But I'm being
10:20
honest when I say like, I could
10:22
not really locate a coherent thread of
10:24
argument running through the opinion. I'm
10:27
just sort of doing my best. Seeing
10:29
this, I was struck by a thought, which
10:32
was this opinions from 2010. But
10:35
if I didn't know that, and
10:37
you told me this was like, I
10:39
prompted chat GPT, right? Yes. Yes.
10:42
In opinion. And this is what it gave
10:44
me. I would believe you. I would be
10:46
like, yes, this has the hallmarks of AI
10:49
bullshit. It's generally grammatically correct. And
10:52
it's got like a general good
10:54
format. But it's nonsense.
10:56
It's nothing underneath it. Each
10:58
sentence on its own,
11:01
you're like, okay, I think I get what he said. But
11:04
you start stringing them together and you're
11:06
like, what's happening? Your brain
11:08
starts like fraying. Yeah, right. I
11:10
was reading a law review article in preparation
11:13
for this episode. And this law professor says,
11:16
quote, the key to understanding the
11:18
majority opinion by Chief Justice Roberts
11:20
is that it considers HLP arguments
11:22
through an as applied lens, emphasizing
11:24
the particular actions that HLP proposed
11:26
to undertake rather than engaging in
11:28
an open ended review. The sentence
11:30
goes on. And it's like, if
11:32
you have to say, like, this
11:34
is how you can actually understand
11:36
this opinion, is if you do
11:38
this kind of mental gymnastics, right? Like,
11:41
it's just poorly written. It's
11:43
just bad. Incoherent. Right.
11:46
He constantly bounces around. There are many times where
11:48
I thought I had accidentally scrolled back in
11:50
the opinion because I was like, didn't we
11:53
do this? Anyway,
11:56
let's just get into it. The first issue we're going
11:58
to talk about here is free speech. Is
12:00
this all unlawfully infringing on the speech
12:03
rights of the Humanitarian Law Project? When
12:06
the court analyzes a law that limits
12:08
speech in this way, the
12:11
way the analysis is done is by asking two
12:13
questions. First, does the
12:15
law serve a compelling government interest, in
12:17
this case fighting terrorism, which everyone agrees
12:20
is a compelling government interest? And
12:22
second, if so, is the
12:25
law narrowly tailored to that
12:27
interest, which is a bit
12:29
of legal ease, but basically means the
12:31
law has to be as targeted as
12:33
possible, right? The smallest amount of collateral
12:36
damage to constitutional rights possible. This
12:38
analysis is called the strict
12:41
scrutiny analysis. And one of
12:43
the things about this analysis is that laws
12:45
almost never survive it. Almost
12:48
every time this comes up, the law
12:50
is struck down. In fact, before this
12:52
case, no restriction on speech had ever
12:54
survived the strict scrutiny analysis. This is
12:57
the first time. Till 2010, right? To
13:00
give you a sense of how
13:02
rigorous the strict scrutiny analysis is
13:04
supposed to be, the Supreme Court
13:06
has struck down laws that
13:09
were meant to crack down
13:11
on animal sacrifice and
13:14
child pornography by saying
13:16
that they were not narrowly tailored enough,
13:18
right? This is an analysis
13:21
that almost every law should fail
13:23
because it's almost impossible to meet
13:25
this burden. And that's the
13:27
point. That's supposed to be the point
13:30
of the strict scrutiny analysis. The idea
13:32
is the court invokes strict
13:34
scrutiny when they feel like a
13:36
fundamental right is being infringed on.
13:39
And they're saying, look, we don't
13:42
think the government should be
13:44
able to infringe on your fundamental rights.
13:46
That's the whole point of the constitution,
13:48
unless it has a really, really
13:50
good reason and does so really,
13:54
really carefully. Right. This
13:56
law really shouldn't survive this analysis.
14:00
No. Because, like, everyone
14:02
admits that it restricts the
14:05
otherwise legal and protected speech
14:07
of these organizations, right? Yes.
14:10
They are trying to provide counsel to
14:12
terrorist organizations, and we're going to say
14:14
terrorist organizations all the time, and it
14:16
feels very dramatic and shit, but we're
14:18
just talking about the legal designation, right?
14:20
Right. That's what the US government
14:22
has called them, right? Right. They are not doing
14:24
this in furtherance of any illegal activity,
14:27
right? But the law
14:29
still says you can't do it. This
14:32
should basically be the end of the
14:34
discussion because, again, the law is supposed
14:36
to be narrowly tailored, meaning that there
14:38
is minimal collateral damage to protected speech.
14:40
And pretty much everyone here has to
14:43
accept that there is a ton of
14:45
collateral damage to protected speech. The Humanitarian
14:47
Law Project is trying to provide perfectly
14:49
legal advice to these organizations, trying to
14:51
push them toward peaceful avenues of conflict
14:53
resolution, and the law says, no, you
14:56
can't do that. Which
14:58
means that it infringes on
15:00
harmless and legal speech, which means
15:02
it's not narrowly tailored. Right.
15:05
It should be that simple. That's right. That
15:07
really should be the end of it.
15:09
But what Robert says is that working
15:11
with these terrorist organizations, even if everything
15:13
you're doing is peaceful and lawful, could
15:15
help legitimize them and allow
15:18
them to free up resources for
15:20
terrorist activities. Now, this
15:24
is an argument that the government made
15:26
during their case, but they didn't offer
15:28
any actual evidence to support it. They
15:30
just sort of stated it. And it
15:33
doesn't really make sense because how would
15:35
giving legal advice to an organization free
15:37
up its resources for terrorist activities?
15:39
We've taught you how to make a complaint
15:41
to the United Nations. Now you
15:44
have lots of time for bombing or
15:46
whatever. That doesn't make sense. It's not like
15:48
you're giving them $1,000. John Yover
15:50
there is our bomb maker, but
15:53
we're going to send him
15:55
to a UN complaint seminar
15:58
to learn how to file. complaints
16:00
with the United Nations. That can't even be it
16:02
because then you have less time for bomb making,
16:05
right? It's
16:09
so fucking stupid and yet Roberts buys
16:11
it He says look the government says
16:13
that they think any advice given to
16:15
these groups facilitates terrorism and I believe
16:17
them Right. Yeah, no need to present
16:19
evidence or anything as if this were
16:22
some sort of court Yeah, or even
16:24
like a logical train of thought you
16:26
could follow like a hypothetical give us
16:28
a hypothetical I would love a hypothetical
16:30
of how learning how
16:33
to file a human rights complaint before the
16:35
UN could somehow allow you Like
16:38
more room to do terrorism. I
16:41
would love someone to just shoot us that hypothetical
16:43
on fucking Twitter or whatever Yes, either way I
16:45
feel like the government should have to make some
16:48
kind of cogent argument But they don't and yet
16:50
Roberts seems to buy it now I also want
16:52
to be clear that like if this is the
16:54
law Then you can sort of
16:57
make the argument that it should be illegal
16:59
to talk to like any criminal Yes, or
17:01
that it could be illegal to talk to
17:03
like any criminal, right? You're legitimizing them. So
17:06
you can't talk to gang members That's illegal
17:08
now, right? No one would think that that's
17:10
a serious argument, but that is the same
17:12
basic train of thought here Yeah And
17:15
then that's exactly the problem with the train
17:17
of thought and with this holding is that
17:19
you know freedom of speech freedom of association
17:22
It means that you
17:24
are allowed to associate yourself
17:26
You are allowed to state
17:28
political beliefs, right that are
17:30
unpopular that someone might say
17:32
are Dangerous to them
17:34
and their worldview, right? You're allowed
17:37
to associate with a group in
17:39
fact form groups and associate with
17:41
them over the long term in
17:43
ways that might Legitimize
17:46
those groups like in terms
17:48
of their membership, right? Yeah, but
17:50
you still have freedom of association
17:52
It's in spite of the downstream
17:54
effects of association that you know,
17:57
a group might be legitimized or
17:59
something and your freedom
18:01
of association is still supposed to be
18:03
constitutionally protected. Just because
18:05
you are associating with an unpopular
18:07
group, a group that does things
18:09
the United States government doesn't agree
18:11
with, right? That's really, really
18:13
not the reason why your First
18:16
Amendment rights should be limited. Right.
18:18
Yes. So again, the Humanitarian
18:20
Law Project is trying to teach these
18:22
organizations various legal avenues for vindicating their
18:24
concerns. That says, quote, a
18:27
foreign terrorist organization introduced to the
18:30
structures of the international legal system
18:32
might use the information to
18:35
threaten, manipulate, and disrupt. This
18:37
possibility is real, not
18:39
remote. Now,
18:43
he presents no actual evidence of this,
18:45
which again, I do think you should
18:47
need. Yeah. Yeah.
18:50
Also, it's weird to say this possibility
18:52
is real when what you actually mean
18:55
is this possibility is a purely hypothetical
18:57
thing I just made up. Like,
19:02
it's not like he cites a specific
19:04
example of like PKK doing this or
19:07
whatever. And also, abstraction is kind of
19:09
baked in there, right? Like the possibility is
19:11
real. Well, sure, every possibility
19:13
is real, but like the
19:15
actuality is not real. What is
19:17
possibility if not the chance that something is
19:19
real? Yeah. It's
19:23
not even like the possibility of violence
19:25
is real. It's the
19:28
possibility of obstruction, of delay.
19:31
Of a law at the UN or something.
19:33
Like, what are you talking about? Dude,
19:36
you don't know. You don't know what
19:38
they could do with a little
19:40
bit of knowledge at the UN. They
19:42
could really slow the UN down here.
19:46
They could notoriously nimble organizations,
19:48
the United Nations. Brought
19:52
to its knees by the Tamil
19:54
Tigers. a
20:00
complaint. Fluency in
20:02
their bureaucratic processes because of
20:04
the humanitarian law project. Oh
20:09
my god. I'm trying to think of like
20:11
a brutal terrorist attack conducted by the Tamil
20:13
Tigers and like there's an investigation and they
20:15
somehow trace it back to them learning the
20:18
procedures of the UN. All right
20:20
this this feels like a good
20:22
time to take a break. Okay
20:25
we are back. All right so anyway
20:28
I want to just zoom out
20:30
for a second. Again the court
20:32
is supposed to be doing this
20:34
demanding strict scrutiny analysis where they
20:36
make sure that the law is
20:38
justified and that it doesn't infringe
20:40
on more constitutional rights than absolutely
20:42
necessary. But what they
20:44
actually do is say that the government
20:46
can infringe on speech rights as long
20:49
as there's some hypothetical justification made up
20:51
by John Roberts. Which by the
20:53
way if you want to be a real nerd about
20:55
this is actually the rational basis review analysis
20:57
and not the strict scrutiny analysis.
20:59
But leave that one to the
21:02
1L nerd to ponder. So before we move on I do
21:09
want to point out that none of this
21:11
lines up with the precedent on free speech
21:13
cases. The way that speech rights are analyzed
21:15
under the precedent is that if the government
21:18
wants to infringe upon them they generally need
21:20
to show some immediate threat of violence. Right
21:22
that's been the rule since Brandenburg v Ohio
21:24
in 1967. But
21:26
here you see them basically abandoning that
21:29
and allowing the government to prohibit speech
21:31
based on some vague hypothetical threat of
21:33
violence. Which is really just
21:36
completely antithetical to the
21:38
existing precedent. Yeah because it's not
21:40
even like a vague threat of
21:42
violence. Like Roberts is putting forth
21:44
this like real possibility or whatever
21:46
of obstruction of
21:49
procedures at the United Nations.
21:51
Right like Brandenburg v Ohio
21:53
is a case that
21:55
says I mean what you said Peter
21:57
that like you basically have free speech.
21:59
speech up until the point that
22:02
you are inciting a riot, right?
22:04
Like calling on immediate dangerous
22:06
or violent acts to occur,
22:08
you know, imminently, right? Right. Like
22:11
if you went on in the eclipse and were like, we're
22:13
going to the Capitol. Right. Exactly.
22:15
Exactly. That's a good example of
22:18
what incitement might look like. Yeah.
22:21
Absolutely. You can't just say eclipse anymore, by the
22:23
way. You have to be specific. Oh, yeah. You
22:25
mean the one in DC? Or do
22:27
you mean? I'm referring specifically to the
22:29
January 6th riot incited by former president.
22:32
It's an ellipse. Oh,
22:36
yeah. Yeah. Ellipse. I
22:39
got a clips on the brain. Leave this all
22:41
in. Leave this all in. So,
22:44
yeah, the conduct here, the speech
22:46
here, the association here that the
22:48
humanitarian law project is doing or
22:50
engaging in, that's just not anywhere
22:52
near where the line was drawn
22:55
in Brandenburg. Far, far
22:57
afield of like what actually counts
22:59
as speech that's so dangerous
23:01
that the government can actually infringe on
23:03
your freedom of speech. Yeah. By
23:06
the way, there's a point in
23:08
this opinion where John Roberts
23:11
is like, well, this isn't pure speech.
23:15
This is material support for
23:17
terrorism that's composed
23:20
of speech. It's
23:22
an ingredient. It's
23:27
like is it cake for speech? You
23:30
cut into that material support. You're like,
23:32
oh, my God. Speech.
23:35
Speech. It's
23:37
all speech. Oh, shit. All
23:40
right. So,
23:44
we've touched on this a bit, but
23:47
there is a separate argument here. What
23:49
is technically a separate argument that this
23:51
also infringes on their right to association.
23:55
The court has held that part of your
23:57
First Amendment rights include the right to freely
23:59
associate with whomst you please.
24:02
So they're saying, yeah, we want to
24:04
associate with these groups. That is
24:06
our right. Let us do it, right? Roberts
24:08
barely addresses this argument, which honestly, thank God,
24:10
because I don't think I could take any
24:13
more at this point, but he says the
24:15
law doesn't ban, quote, mere
24:17
association. It bans material
24:20
support, which is different. But
24:23
it's not actually different because the court
24:25
pretty freely admits that everything the humanitarian
24:27
law project is doing would be legal
24:30
if it was done in association with
24:32
a different group. So it
24:34
is in fact the mere association
24:36
with the designated terrorist groups that's
24:38
being punished here. And that's assuming
24:40
you know what mere association even
24:42
means, which I'm not sure that
24:44
I do. I know what mere
24:46
disassociation means. It's just a feeling
24:48
I get when I read
24:51
a John Roberts opinion. Me every day. Me
24:53
every day. So look,
24:56
the whole mere association concept is not
24:58
actually supposed to be part of this
25:01
analysis. The court created a test for
25:03
these situations back in the
25:05
early sixties in a case called Scales
25:07
v. United States. The
25:10
test is that the government can't punish
25:12
your association with a group unless it
25:14
can show that you are trying to
25:17
further the illegal goals of that group.
25:20
So if you're just friends with
25:22
some people in a criminal gang,
25:24
that is protected by the Constitution.
25:26
But if you are furthering their
25:28
criminal activities, that can be illegal,
25:30
right? Yeah, this came up like
25:32
after the government said the Communist
25:34
Party was essentially engaged in
25:37
trying to overthrow the government by
25:40
illegal means. It still
25:42
wasn't, you couldn't criminalize
25:44
simply being a member of the Communist
25:46
Party. If you were like,
25:48
well, I think we should try to
25:50
do communism by democratic means or whatever.
25:53
That is protected activity. That
25:55
isn't a protected association you
25:57
can have. Right. on
26:00
point metaphor.
26:03
Right, yeah so here there's
26:05
no evidence that the humanitarian
26:07
law project is furthering illegal
26:09
activities so this should be
26:11
protected under their right to
26:13
free association. Roberts doesn't
26:15
address this analysis at all, all he does
26:17
again is say that it's more
26:20
than mere association that the
26:22
law impacts, marking the second time in
26:24
this case that he has just completely
26:26
ignored the actual test that's supposed to
26:29
be applied in favor of just several
26:31
paragraphs of words is the best way
26:33
to describe it. Yeah so
26:35
there is a dissent Breyer
26:37
writes it and he's joined
26:40
by Ginsburg and Sotomayor. He
26:42
hits a lot of the points we've already hit
26:44
but he starts by saying look this is core
26:47
political speech which historically is
26:49
the most protected part of
26:51
the First Amendment right like
26:55
first and foremost we have to make
26:57
sure people can have political parties in
26:59
the free exchange of ideas so that
27:01
our democracy functions freely and it gives
27:04
you know meaning to our elections and
27:06
our choice in our political economy so
27:09
we should be very
27:11
very very careful about
27:14
restricting it. He says you know all the
27:17
usual markers point to this being protected speech
27:19
it's advocating lawful activity
27:22
not illegal activity there's no imminent
27:25
illegal activity they're doing
27:27
this for political ends so strict
27:29
scrutiny should apply and I
27:32
thought this discussion was pretty good when he
27:34
talks about like the government's arguments about why
27:37
this is narrowly tailored you know
27:39
the government makes two arguments the
27:41
first is about fungibility that 82
27:44
terrorist organizations can be fungible
27:46
and that this is something Congress was concerned
27:48
about and he goes through it and he's
27:50
like yeah but when you read these they're
27:52
kind of talking about money you know like
27:54
right if you give someone 20 bucks
27:57
and say you know use
27:59
this on some something good. Right.
28:01
They don't have to use it on- Don't use this on
28:03
terrorism. Right. They don't have
28:05
to. They could go use it on terrorism. But
28:08
also, if you give them
28:10
gasoline, that maybe money they don't have
28:12
to spend on gasoline for their cars
28:15
could go to terrorism, or they could
28:17
put it in bombs or something. But
28:19
he's like, how is training someone to
28:21
file UN complaints
28:24
fungible? What is the how?
28:26
It doesn't make any sense. He's
28:28
like, actually, if you think about
28:31
this for two seconds, it's nonsense. And
28:33
the legitimacy argument that Peter mentioned, and
28:35
that Roberts sort of swallows
28:38
in full, and I
28:40
thought his best line was about this. He says, it is
28:43
inordinately difficult to distinguish when speech
28:45
activity will and when it will
28:47
not initiate the chain of causation
28:49
the court suggests. A chain that
28:52
leads from peaceful advocacy to quote
28:54
unquote legitimacy to increase support for
28:56
the group to an increased supply
28:58
of material goods that support its
29:01
terrorist activities. Again, this
29:03
is supposed to be, the name for this
29:05
part of the test is narrowly tailored. Yeah.
29:08
And this is like a several
29:11
step chain of causation, each
29:13
one more speculative than the last. It's
29:16
pretty good, but it goes on too long because
29:18
Breyer's kind of long winded. Yeah.
29:21
Breyer does say something, this is like a pretty
29:23
good illustration of both his strengths and weaknesses,
29:25
I think. He has this paragraph where
29:27
he says, what is one to say about these arguments?
29:30
Arguments that would deny First Amendment protection
29:32
to the peaceful teaching of international human
29:34
rights law on the ground that a
29:36
little knowledge about the international legal system
29:38
is too dangerous a thing, that
29:41
an opponent's subsequent willingness to negotiate might be
29:43
faked. So let's not teach him how to
29:45
try. And it's
29:47
like this sort of rhetorical question, what is one to say
29:49
about these arguments? And I was like, all right, this is
29:51
a pretty good wind up. And he
29:54
just kind of leaves it. I'm like, what is
29:56
one to say about it? And he's like, in
29:58
my view, and he moves on. Just like,
30:00
come on, man. You just wound up
30:02
for a haymaker and then
30:04
just walked away. Why hide the ball here?
30:06
Just say it. Yeah. Before we
30:08
go on, we should talk about maybe
30:11
John Paul Stevens. He joins the majority.
30:13
I don't have a ton of thoughts
30:15
about this. He's usually good, including on
30:18
war on terrorist stuff, but he
30:20
does have a flag salute and streak,
30:22
you know, the flag
30:25
burning case notoriously a big sucker
30:27
in that one. And every now and then you
30:29
can just get him on some of this national
30:31
security stuff, because he was like a Navy boy,
30:33
I think I forget exactly. Yes, he was. He's
30:35
like a time of war or whatever the fuck.
30:37
I don't know. But that
30:39
presumably is why he's there. You might ask
30:41
where Kagan was not on the court yet.
30:44
She was the solicitor general arguing
30:46
for the United States government in
30:49
this case. That's right. And,
30:51
uh, alongside her, Michael, you
30:53
discovered this today. Neil Katja
30:56
also arguing this case for
30:58
the US government. And
31:01
that reminds me of something that's not exactly
31:03
about the case itself, but like whenever lawyers
31:05
are criticized for representing some fucking oil company
31:07
or whatever, you get people who
31:09
act like it's the highest calling on earth
31:12
to represent someone who was accused
31:14
of wrongdoing and that like everyone
31:16
deserves representation. And therefore there was
31:18
nothing morally wrong with representing Exxon
31:20
mobile or whatever for $2,000 an hour. Fine.
31:23
But you don't get any outcry from
31:25
the bar when there's legislation
31:28
like this, which effectively says that there are
31:30
clients you cannot provide services to. Even
31:33
if those services are perfectly safe,
31:35
purely nonviolent, purely humanitarian. Right. Good
31:38
point. Neil Katja got flack recently,
31:40
a few years ago, for representing
31:42
Nestle when they were accused of aiding
31:45
and abetting child slavery. Yes.
31:48
And he and his allies all
31:51
like stood up to say,
31:53
Hey, representing people accused of wrongdoing is the
31:55
backbone of the system. You know, this is,
31:57
this is how it works. This is what
31:59
our job. is. And here
32:01
he is in this case arguing for the
32:03
government who wants to make it illegal to
32:05
teach the PKK to bring human rights claims
32:07
before the U.N. You know, these
32:10
people are drenched in amorality. Yeah, that's
32:12
it. That's the principle. Right. So
32:15
to talk about the fallout of this
32:17
case a little bit, shortly after the
32:19
case drops, the FBI used it as
32:22
leverage to raid the homes of anti-war
32:24
activists who had allegedly coordinated with designated
32:26
terrorist groups. We don't
32:28
have much information on what exactly the
32:30
concerns were. But it's safe to say
32:32
that these people were not facilitating actual
32:34
violence or else the FBI wouldn't have
32:37
had to wait until after this case
32:39
came down to do the raids. Also
32:42
worth noting that that was
32:44
14 years ago and they
32:46
never brought charges. So if
32:48
I had to guess, I'd
32:50
say the FBI was fucking around.
32:52
Great. Yeah, as they do.
32:54
Basically, they're top mission, right? You
32:56
know, former President Jimmy Carter spoke
32:59
out against this Supreme Court
33:01
decision when it came down. You know,
33:03
he was the founder of the Carter
33:05
Center, which did lots of work to
33:07
promote peace, further human rights,
33:10
alleviate human suffering around the world.
33:12
And Carter released a
33:14
statement in response to this ruling
33:16
saying, quote, We are disappointed that
33:18
the Supreme Court has upheld a
33:20
law that inhibits the work of
33:22
human rights and conflict resolution groups.
33:24
The material support law, which is
33:26
aimed at putting an end to
33:28
terrorism, actually threatens our work and
33:30
the work of many other peacemaking
33:32
organizations that must interact directly with
33:34
groups that have engaged in violence.
33:36
The vague language of the law
33:38
leaves us wondering if we will be
33:40
prosecuted for our work to promote peace
33:42
and freedom. To give a little color on
33:44
the Carter Center, they were in the
33:48
late aughts trying to meet with
33:50
Hezbollah, a designated terrorist
33:52
organization, to facilitate peace
33:54
talks and like help them
33:56
learn how to monitor elections
33:59
for like free and fair elections
34:01
in Lebanon, right? Just stuff that's
34:03
sort of like unequivocally part of
34:05
the peace process. And this
34:08
case makes that illegal. It's one
34:10
of those situations where if you
34:12
wanted organizations to step
34:14
into these peace processes, they're
34:17
going to need to communicate with
34:19
designated terrorist organizations. And the law
34:22
now says you can't do that. And the Supreme Court
34:24
says that's okay. Yeah, that's exactly right. And
34:26
so yeah, lots of organizations
34:29
implicated here because of the
34:31
overbroadness of the law and
34:33
because of the Supreme Court
34:35
obviously saying this is fine,
34:37
right? But it all
34:39
goes back, I think, to
34:41
allowing material support for terrorism,
34:43
allowing these definitions to be
34:45
as expansive as they are
34:48
in the law, whether that's
34:50
the definition of material support,
34:52
what counts, right? If assistance
34:54
can count, if providing expertise
34:56
and advice can count, legal support,
34:58
what have you, if all of
35:01
that counts as material support, then
35:03
that is overbroad and definitely infringes
35:05
on people's First Amendment rights. And
35:08
then the other over expansive definition
35:10
in the law here is
35:12
what counts as a foreign terrorist
35:14
organization, right? So, you know, if
35:17
the Secretary of State of the
35:19
United States government has the discretion
35:21
to designate as a foreign terrorist
35:23
group, any foreign group that
35:25
engages in any kind of
35:27
unlawful activity against a person
35:29
or property, and then is
35:32
said to also be working against
35:34
the economic interests of the United
35:36
States, that definition and
35:39
that discretion is ripe
35:41
for abuse, right? That
35:43
amount of discretion plainly sets
35:45
up that these decisions are
35:47
made about who counts as
35:50
a terrorist organization and who
35:52
doesn't in ways that are
35:54
extremely politically motivated, right? All
35:56
of us can imagine organizations
35:58
right now, that enact mass
36:01
violence, that do mass
36:03
violence on people, that meet
36:05
this definition that could be
36:07
designated as foreign terrorist organizations
36:09
under these very definitions. I'm
36:11
thinking about the IDF, I'm
36:13
thinking about- Too easy, too easy. Yeah.
36:16
This is what I said during prep when Michael
36:18
was like IDF, it's like, no, that's
36:20
a layup. Right, yes, it's, no. Time
36:22
to get creative. I've got one.
36:25
What about Russia, right? Because
36:27
this lines up with like the
36:29
US's current posturing, right? This
36:31
is a quote from a
36:33
senior military official that
36:36
is posted on the Defense Department
36:38
website. He says, we assess that
36:40
Russia has deliberately struck civilian infrastructure
36:43
and non-military targets with the purpose
36:45
of needlessly harming civilians and attempting
36:47
to instill terror among the Ukrainian
36:50
population. So
36:52
why not Russia? Right, probably has
36:54
to be a non-governmental body, right?
36:56
It does not because the Iranian
36:59
Revolutionary Guard has been on the
37:01
list for five years. There you
37:03
go. And look, they're not a
37:05
foreign group, right? But fucking NYPD means
37:08
this definition, right? Oh yeah. That's
37:10
a good answer. That's what I'm talking about. They're foreign in
37:12
the sense that they all live on Staten Island. Yeah. Yeah.
37:16
There's that, yeah. So
37:19
just taking a step back, I feel like
37:21
in the current, let's
37:23
say state of affairs, state of
37:26
international geopolitical crises right now,
37:28
I have felt over the
37:30
past six months, like very
37:32
tired and sometimes like on 5-4, like
37:36
I'm not focused on like what I wanna be
37:38
focused on or like this is such a narrow
37:40
focus of this podcast in that we're
37:43
only talking about the US Supreme Court
37:45
and these cases like one after the
37:47
other after the other just seem like
37:49
so disconnected and silly and stupid. But
37:52
like you get a case like this,
37:54
right? And this is exactly the demonstration
37:57
of all of. this
38:00
unfairness, all of
38:02
this racism, all of this prioritization
38:05
of what quote unquote violence
38:07
matters to the US government
38:09
and when, right? And you
38:12
see it enacted in our
38:14
very legal institutions. I feel like
38:16
I see in this case a
38:18
real like demonstration and exemplar of
38:21
exactly the things that I've been
38:23
trying to express. It's just like
38:25
one little example, like one
38:28
little like output of this system, the
38:30
perfect put a bow on it example
38:33
of the way the US
38:35
government allows itself, builds a
38:37
system within and outside of
38:39
itself in the international world
38:41
order in which it decides
38:43
what groups it likes and doesn't
38:45
like and in which
38:47
it decides who gets targeted for
38:50
being associated with whom, no matter
38:52
what the actual like real tangible
38:54
effects of that work or association
38:56
are, right? And how the designation
38:59
as a terrorist organization means such
39:01
and such leads to such and
39:03
such consequences, right? That are grave
39:06
and important and material to thousands,
39:08
if not millions of people around
39:10
the world. And here you have
39:12
the Supreme Court being the
39:15
fucking Supreme Court, which is to
39:17
say, idiotic, not analyzing anything on
39:19
any sort of deep level at
39:22
all, green lighting the dumbest shit
39:24
and just perpetuating the whole machine.
39:26
Yeah. Yeah. This case is the
39:28
manifestation of a lot of our like
39:30
national pathologies. Yeah. The foreign
39:33
terrorist organization list. I mean, it's
39:35
the output of a bunch of
39:37
political and ideological and diplomatic
39:40
bullshit, which only loosely maps
39:42
onto how dangerous any of
39:44
these groups actually are, which
39:47
Sort of underscores how flimsy the
39:49
government's fundamental claim here is, right?
39:52
Like They are saying that their
39:54
concern is to combat terrorism, and
39:56
that this is narrowly tailored to
39:58
that end. The Taliban. Isn't
40:00
on? The. List A Foreign terrorist
40:02
Organizations Because the U has basically
40:05
long thought that it would inhibit.
40:07
Diplomatic. Relations Laden at with
40:09
the Afghan government fights. There's nothing
40:12
particularly consistent about this, and not
40:14
only does it undermine the government's
40:16
argument in this case puts you
40:19
could see a world where someone
40:21
brings the obvious claim which is
40:23
that. The. Foreign Terrorist
40:25
Organization list is. Plainly.
40:28
Discriminatory. He hit three. Go luck and
40:30
google it. Go through it and tell
40:32
me it's not just targeting Islamic terror
40:34
groups and rights. All of that is
40:36
just sort of taken for granted by
40:39
the court and I don't think that
40:41
they should be in the business of
40:43
like negotiating who is and who is
40:45
not on the S T O list.
40:47
I just want to point out that
40:49
we are down stream of an enormous
40:52
amount of bullshit. Yeah, you said really
40:54
like Russian State actor and their art.
40:56
State. Actors on the list.
40:58
But more importantly, there are
41:01
situations like in Gaza where
41:03
there is no Se isn't
41:05
right? Are you have like
41:07
pseudo state actors like Hezbollah
41:09
offices and these laws take
41:11
advantage of that ambiguity such
41:13
that if you want to
41:16
coordinate. Aid. In.
41:18
Gaza. you need to coordinate to
41:20
some degree with Hamas or at
41:22
least organizations that someone could argue.
41:25
Are. Tied to Hamas rights. Which
41:27
means that someone's going to hold
41:29
you in violation of this law.
41:31
Which. Would effectively be an allegation that
41:34
you support terrorism for sending any
41:36
aid to Gaza Vatan That is
41:38
the regime that this fall creates.
41:40
Which is exactly how you know. I
41:42
just that sucks, right? right? The United
41:44
Nations Agency long established been there for
41:47
decades, but an allegation that there's any
41:49
connection to Hamas and now the Us
41:51
doesn't funded anymore. Maybe.
41:53
One last thing to say here is
41:56
like I do think we can sort
41:58
of situate this. In. a
42:01
tradition of Supreme Court
42:03
cases that starts
42:06
shortly after the war on terror.
42:08
In like 2004 or
42:11
so, these cases start popping
42:13
up. Rasul, Aigat Hamdan, Iqbal,
42:16
mostly about the treatment of detainees
42:18
at Guantanamo, right? And the court
42:20
is, for the most part, being
42:23
like, yeah, whatever, you know? We're
42:25
not going to get in the
42:27
way of the government on this,
42:29
not at a time like this.
42:32
You see this continue, Clapper,
42:34
the NSA case in like 2012 or so. So
42:38
in 2010, we're at sort of the tail
42:40
end of this. In some ways,
42:42
you might just view this as a weird
42:45
outlier free speech case where the court
42:47
is less deferential toward free speech
42:50
rights than it has ever been.
42:52
But I don't really think it's
42:54
a free speech case. It's a
42:56
war on terror case, right? It
42:59
is a case that fits into
43:01
this tradition of extremely high deference
43:03
to the post 9-11 anti-terror regime
43:06
that the Supreme Court took on
43:08
and never entirely abandoned, although it
43:10
has sort of fallen out of
43:12
favor to some degree. Basically,
43:15
the decade and change after 9-11
43:17
was defined by these cases, just
43:21
challenges to this new government regime and the court
43:23
being like, look, we're not going to get in
43:25
the way of this. We don't have the balls,
43:27
basically, to get in the way of this. That's
43:30
where this case sort of slots in. It's not
43:32
a free speech case, right? It's a war on
43:34
terror case. That's right. All
43:40
right. Next week, should
43:43
Sonia Sotomayor retire? This
43:46
is a hot topic among people who
43:49
don't understand politics and have never learned
43:51
a lesson in their life. Yeah.
43:54
And even though we were calling
43:56
for her retirement a year and a half
43:58
ago, We are
44:01
now gonna wade back into it
44:03
to reiterate that
44:05
Sonia and ideally everyone else
44:07
on the court should retire
44:09
immediately such that they can
44:11
be replaced by a 12-year-old
44:13
communist or whatever works. Follow
44:16
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44:19
Support us on Patreon, patreon.com/fivefourpod,
44:22
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44:30
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of shit. We'll see you next week. Bye bye,
44:34
everybody. Five to Four is
44:36
presented by Prologue Projects. Rachel
44:39
Ward is our producer. Leon
44:41
Nafak and Andrew Parsons provide editorial
44:43
support. And our researcher
44:46
is Jonathan DeBruin. Peter
44:48
Murphy designed our website, fivefourpod.com.
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