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0:00
Today. Show is brought to you by T
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Mobile for business. This
0:05
is hidden brain. I'm Shankar Vedantam. We
0:09
typically divide the United States
0:11
into to political categories: conservative
0:13
democrat folk blocked off at
0:15
every door and liberal. The
0:18
Republicans are not serious. Finding
0:20
common ground between these two groups a
0:23
that or less a loser reaching across
0:25
the aisle far lacked, Radical Bay has
0:27
become increasingly rare because we keep trying
0:30
to find a way to win without
0:32
help from across the aisle. This is
0:34
true, not just in a metaphorical sense.
0:36
In one study, researchers looked at more
0:39
than fourteen hundred hours of time I've
0:41
said it covered on Cspan on Cspan
0:43
to settle com door to the hour
0:46
after hour of hearing something, roads and
0:48
bridges and Air Committee markup. Session
0:50
Congress is a very important pillar
0:52
testimony used on Xl Transcanada resolutions.
0:54
The Clerk or color or. After
0:58
all these hours watching, Cspan researchers
1:01
concluded that since the nineteen Nineties,
1:03
Democrats and Republicans in the Us
1:06
Senate have physically cross the aisle
1:08
less and less to interact with
1:10
opposing colleagues. That means
1:13
senators are staying with their like minded
1:15
colleagues. Not. Just in the legislation
1:17
they trying to pass. But. Also,
1:19
by literally steering clear of
1:21
the carpeted pathway that splits
1:23
the senate floor. Today
1:28
we continue our us to point to
1:30
a series by taking a few steps
1:32
back and looking at the challenge of
1:35
political division through a new lens. We
1:37
hope he will provide a new way
1:39
to understand the people sitting across from
1:41
us at the dinner table. People
1:43
don't seem to dislike somebody just for being
1:45
a member of the other side. They're concerned
1:48
that somebody is going to talk to them
1:50
about politics. And if somebody is going to
1:52
talk to you about politics, of course, he'd
1:54
rather talk to somebody of your own side.
1:57
this week on hidden brain why the division you
1:59
hear about all the time in our politics might
2:02
not be what really divides us. Support
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4:02
Yana Krupnikov is a political scientist at
4:04
the University of Michigan. She
4:07
studies a subject we hear about a lot, the
4:09
bitter political divide in the United States.
4:12
But Yana has a counterintuitive thesis.
4:15
She thinks the real fault line
4:17
in America is actually not between
4:19
Republicans and Democrats. Yana
4:22
Krupnikov, welcome to Hidden Brain. Thank
4:25
you for having me. I want
4:27
to play your clip, Yana, from a
4:29
CNN program titled, Welcome to the Fractured
4:32
States of America. The
4:34
number of parents who would be unhappy if
4:36
their child married someone of a different political
4:38
party, that number has exploded over the last
4:40
several decades, from 4% in 1960
4:42
to 35% of Republicans and 45% of Democrats in 2018. Yana,
4:48
you have a critique of this notion of
4:50
a fractured country, but I want you to
4:52
start by laying out the conventional wisdom first.
4:55
What are we all told about the state of
4:57
political polarization in the United States? A
5:00
lot of what we're told about
5:02
the state of political polarization is
5:04
that polarization has increased quite vastly
5:06
over potentially the last decade. What's
5:09
interesting about this polarization is that
5:11
there's a twofold approach here.
5:14
So on the one hand, polarization can
5:16
be ideological, but on the other hand,
5:18
it can be affective. An
5:21
affective polarization is the sense of
5:23
disliking somebody just because they're a
5:25
member of the other party, without
5:28
their issues, without their positions, just
5:30
because they belong to this opposing
5:32
group. So when we
5:34
talk about Democrats not wanting their
5:36
child to marry a Republican or
5:39
Republicans not wanting their child to
5:41
marry a Democrat, we're talking often
5:43
about this idea of affect, this
5:45
sense of dislike, this antipathy for the
5:48
other side. And there's this tremendous
5:50
kind of pattern showing
5:53
increases in this level of antipathy,
5:56
that people who are from one party
5:58
just dislike the other party. much
6:00
more than they did in years past. And
6:04
some of this is almost to an
6:06
extreme. I mean, some people have even
6:08
asked whether ordinary Americans see their political
6:10
opponents as even fully human. Indeed.
6:13
There's actually a lot of examples of
6:15
this antipathy. There's research suggesting
6:18
that people wouldn't want somebody to, as
6:20
I just said, marry somebody from the
6:22
other party, that they wouldn't want to
6:24
hire somebody from the opposing party, that
6:27
they don't see that their party is
6:29
human, that they might actually want
6:31
to do something that would make life
6:33
for somebody from the opposing party much worse.
6:36
So there are a lot
6:38
of these almost non-political examples
6:40
of places where partisanship and dislike
6:43
for the other side has quite profoundly affected the
6:45
way we see the world and the way we
6:47
see other people. So
6:49
we're told Americans don't want to live next to
6:51
one another, political partisans, that is. They
6:54
can't bear to talk to one another. Of course, they don't
6:56
want their children marrying people from the other party. You
6:59
conducted a survey some years ago when
7:01
you drilled down specifically on the marriage
7:03
question. What was the hunt you
7:05
were exploring? And what did you ask? So
7:08
the way we looked at the marriage question
7:10
happened during these conversations
7:12
I had with my
7:14
co-authors, John Barry Ryan and Samara
7:16
Clark. And so we
7:18
were talking about this marriage question
7:21
that something about it seemed quite
7:23
unusual to us. You
7:25
are in a survey, you're being asked whether
7:27
you want your child to marry somebody from
7:29
the other party, but that's really
7:31
all you know about this person. All
7:34
you know about them is that they are a Republican
7:36
or that they are a Democrat. And
7:39
that's all you know about them. One,
7:41
you can't really put that person into context.
7:44
But the other thing you might think about them is
7:46
essentially, if they're telling
7:49
me this person's partisanship, that
7:52
person's partisanship is probably something
7:54
that's really really important to
7:56
them. So if I was
7:58
inviting you to meet one of my... friends and
8:01
we had just a brief moment and I
8:03
used that brief moment to tell you you're
8:05
gonna meet my friend she likes cats. You
8:08
might imagine that you're about to meet
8:10
somebody who is essentially gonna talk non-stop
8:12
about cats. That's the only thing I
8:14
shared with you about this person. And
8:18
so what if this is what's happening
8:20
in a survey? What if when people
8:22
are asked about this hypothetical in-law and
8:24
the only thing they know about this
8:26
person is that they're a member of
8:28
the opposing party? What if
8:30
they're imagining somebody who will literally
8:32
talk about politics for
8:34
every dinner from now on as
8:37
their in-law? And
8:39
what did you find when you actually asked
8:41
Americans this question? How did you tweak the
8:43
question and what did you find? So what
8:45
we ended up doing is we amended
8:48
the question a bit. We
8:50
basically added a qualification. We
8:52
told people that
8:55
this future in-law, this hypothetical in-law,
8:57
was actually never really
9:00
going to talk about politics. They
9:02
might be from the other parties but
9:04
they were never actually going to discuss
9:06
anything political. And so we
9:09
ran an experiment in which people were
9:11
randomly assigned to either a group in
9:13
which they got asked the normal question,
9:15
how happy would you be if your
9:17
child married somebody from the opposing party,
9:20
versus a question in which they were told
9:22
how happy would you be if your child
9:24
married somebody from an opposing party, but this
9:27
person was never going to talk about politics.
9:30
And what we found is significant
9:32
differences in people's preferences for the
9:34
other side. Once people were told
9:36
that their child's future spouse was
9:39
actually not really going to talk
9:41
about politics, their animosity
9:43
toward the other side quite
9:46
profoundly decreased. In
9:49
other words, if I was a Republican parent, the
9:51
thing that I might be most worried about is
9:53
not that my child is going to marry a
9:55
Democrat, my child's going to marry a Democrat who's
9:57
going to talk politics all the time. the
10:00
reassurance that politics was not going to come
10:02
up all the time, my
10:04
feelings about my future democratic
10:07
son-in-law or daughter-in-law changed quite
10:09
profoundly. Exactly.
10:13
In theory, what people were
10:15
concerned about is essentially politics
10:17
coming up in their day-to-day
10:20
lives. They actually were
10:22
not as concerned about the opposing
10:24
partisanship component of it. To
10:31
better understand how this played out
10:33
in people's lives, Yana and her
10:35
colleagues ran the study again but
10:37
changed whether the hypothetical new daughter
10:39
or son-in-law talked about politics frequently,
10:42
occasionally, or rarely. They
10:45
found that what people cared about the
10:47
most was not whether a future son-in-law
10:49
or daughter-in-law had different politics but
10:52
how much the future in-law wanted
10:54
to talk about politics. People
10:57
don't seem to dislike somebody just for being a
10:59
member of the other side. They're
11:02
concerned that somebody is going to talk to
11:04
them about politics. If somebody
11:06
is going to talk to you about politics, of course,
11:08
you'd rather talk to somebody of your own side. If
11:11
that's going to be part of your life at
11:13
every dinner, certainly, of course, you wouldn't want
11:15
it to be contentious. The
11:17
key aspect there is conversations,
11:19
not necessarily partisanship. I'm
11:22
thinking of a clip from Saturday Night Live
11:24
that I think your research speaks to. It's
11:26
actually about a wedding celebration and
11:29
the celebration is interrupted by the character known
11:31
as Debbie Downer. I'm not my baby. Yeah,
11:33
even that potatoes look like it. What happened?
11:36
After we eat, I vote we get a lime
11:38
tanner. Oh, yeah. Hey,
11:40
speaking of voting, how do you guys
11:42
feel about Trump? What
11:50
do you think, Yana? Do you think that clip speaks to your
11:52
thesis? I think it speaks to the
11:54
thesis quite profoundly. I think
11:57
actually that is exactly what
11:59
people are. are quite worried about.
12:02
You're having kind of a nice celebration. Somebody
12:05
comes in for whom politics is
12:07
incredibly important, who is essentially going
12:09
to change the conversation to that
12:11
particular bend. So
12:14
imagine that every dinner,
12:17
you're now incredibly tense, trying
12:19
to figure out, is there
12:21
something political that's going to
12:23
happen here? I think that's
12:25
what people are deeply concerned about. Imagine
12:29
sitting at dinner with friends and family. Someone
12:32
mentions a tweet from Trump. Everyone
12:34
freezes. Will this become an
12:37
argument? Yana's data
12:39
suggests that if the people around your
12:41
table were a cross-section of America, most
12:44
would prefer to change the topic.
12:47
But some people would get super excited. It's
12:50
these people who would also be really upset
12:52
if a child of theirs were to marry
12:55
someone from the other party. There
13:00
certainly is a group of people who
13:03
are, in fact, effectively
13:05
polarized. No matter
13:07
how we describe this in law, they
13:10
are displeased with their
13:12
child marrying somebody of the opposing
13:14
side. I would bet that
13:17
even if we told them, politics will
13:19
literally never come up ever, ever, ever.
13:22
They would still be displeased that their
13:24
child married somebody of the opposing party.
13:26
These people struck us as being
13:29
what we would term unconditionally polarized.
13:31
They were sort of polarized
13:35
exactly in the sense of
13:37
hating somebody just because they are from
13:39
the other side. And
13:41
as we dove into this question further,
13:45
we wanted to investigate exactly
13:47
what contributes to this
13:49
unconditional polarization. What correlates with somebody
13:51
disliking somebody just from being a
13:54
member of the other side, which
13:56
led us to this idea of
13:58
certain people being deeply involved in
14:00
politics, people for whom
14:03
politics has become so profoundly important
14:05
that it is something beyond just
14:07
an interest in politics. So,
14:10
as you say, the deeply involved care a
14:12
lot about politics, like Debbie Downer, they want
14:14
to talk about politics, even to people who want
14:16
to talk about something else. But
14:18
you make a remarkable claim. You say the
14:21
central fault line today in the United States
14:23
might not be between Republicans and Democrats, but
14:26
between people who are deeply involved
14:28
in politics and everybody else. What
14:30
do you mean by that? When we
14:33
think about deep involvement, we
14:36
think of somebody for whom politics is
14:38
front and center. It is something
14:40
that they think about on a daily
14:42
basis. It's something that they think about actually
14:44
probably on an hourly basis. It
14:47
is something that is a center
14:49
to the way that they view
14:51
the world. And
14:55
so John Ryan and I, in describing
14:57
these people and thinking about these people,
15:00
conceive of them as being quite different
15:02
from actually the majority of Americans and
15:04
the majority of people. We see the
15:07
fault line is how centrally you view
15:09
politics to the world, how
15:11
much attention you pay to politics,
15:14
how you interpret political events,
15:17
how much of an
15:19
impact you believe that politics has
15:22
in your life. And
15:25
we see it as a fault
15:27
line in the sense that for
15:29
people who are deeply involved, politics
15:31
is of such profound importance that
15:34
it dominates the world
15:36
perspective. It dominates how they view
15:39
others. It dominates what they do
15:41
with their day. And
15:44
we see that as being profoundly
15:46
different from a large group of
15:48
Americans for whom politics is less
15:50
important and for whom politics
15:52
seems more as something that is happening
15:54
on the side, something that is potentially
15:56
troubling, something that is potentially problematic, But
15:59
something that's not. They don't necessarily want to think
16:01
about all that much. I.
16:08
Want to spend some time? Talking about the characteristics
16:10
of the people you describe is deeply involved
16:13
because of course, it's one thing to say:
16:15
this is a distinct group. would you go
16:17
further than that? Through a series of surveys
16:19
and experiments involving thousands of Americans, you find
16:22
the deeply involved have a set a very
16:24
distinct characteristics and the force identifier is something
16:26
that you hinted at a second ago. These
16:28
are people who spend a lot of time
16:31
on politics. Yes,
16:33
When we think about the deeply
16:35
involved, we think about a set
16:37
of psychological characteristics that lead somebody
16:39
to serve. really care about politics
16:42
to think about at a time.
16:44
In fact, for a research we
16:46
began with the psychology of people
16:48
who are are fans of things
16:50
and one of the things that
16:52
emerges when you think about something
16:54
being important to you is type
16:57
why would you spend time on
16:59
something that's not important? see you.
17:01
Obviously what makes this. A particularly
17:03
unique moment for these people is now
17:05
you actually can spend a tremendous amount
17:08
of time and politics. You
17:10
can basically wake up, you can
17:12
unlock your phone, you can immediately
17:14
started scrolling through the news, and
17:16
you can basically be connected to
17:18
politics for your entire day. Another
17:24
trade of the deeply involved on
17:26
both sides of the political spectrum
17:28
is that they're interested in mine
17:30
her political developments. B C Deep
17:32
significance in events that may or
17:35
may not be important Things to
17:37
Twenty Seventeen For example, when former
17:39
President Donald Trump posted the single
17:41
word confess or costs Se or
17:43
coffees see all V S E
17:45
Se on Twitter. The. Social media
17:48
site now known as X The Cafe to
17:50
a that mercurial a Nice presents a sentence
17:52
fragment with one of the bus words stayed
17:54
up without explanation for hours And hours and
17:56
hours. And then as dawn broke the presence
17:59
only delivers it. and wrote, quote, who can
18:01
figure out the true meaning of kofefe? Yana,
18:04
I remember watching the story and getting
18:06
a laugh out of it, but I
18:08
also remember people going on about how
18:10
the tweet might reflect a neurodegenerative disorder
18:12
in the president. They took this
18:14
really, really seriously. And
18:16
I think that is sort of profound. The
18:19
kofifi tweet is in some sense, I
18:21
think a profound example
18:23
of deep involvement. This
18:26
thing happened, this thing that is ostensibly
18:28
ridiculous, right? It's obviously a typo.
18:32
But it becomes something that
18:34
is of import to people. There
18:38
are people who are anxious that they
18:40
missed this tweet. There are people wondering
18:42
what this tweet means. And
18:44
as people think about it more, especially people
18:46
who are deeply engaged in politics, they
18:48
start to make more and more connections, right,
18:51
to political events. Is this something meaningful?
18:53
Is this something about the president? What's
18:55
going to happen next? And
18:58
the reality about politics is that a lot
19:00
of what happens in politics is
19:02
in fact a matter of life and death. But
19:05
for the deeply involved, even
19:07
typo tweets can become
19:09
something that is actually very,
19:12
very, very important. And
19:14
that sort of makes sense. If
19:16
you spend so much time with
19:18
politics, if you spend so much
19:20
time following it, you know enough
19:23
where almost everything can be
19:26
of profound importance. Where
19:28
for the president making a typo could be
19:30
a signal of kind of what's
19:32
to come, something about the political state of the
19:34
world. So for the
19:36
deeply involved, the engagement with politics kind
19:39
of contributes to the perception that
19:41
any next event could be the
19:43
event that kind of changes
19:45
everything. In other words,
19:48
the deeply involved follow politics in the
19:50
same way that some people follow a
19:52
favorite sports team or the twists
19:54
and turns in a beloved TV show. Jana
19:57
draws an analogy between people who are deeply involved in
19:59
the media and the media involved in politics and
20:02
fans of the sci-fi show Doctor
20:04
Who. Multiple
20:07
actors have portrayed the doctor in the television
20:09
show and for years fans
20:11
have argued obsessively about
20:14
which actor is the best
20:16
doctor. With the exception of the very bottom slot
20:18
which we'll get to in a second I don't
20:21
think there is a bad version
20:23
of the doctor. What's the
20:26
connection between Doctor Who aficionados
20:28
and politics, Yana? So
20:31
Doctor Who I think is a
20:33
really interesting kind of example because
20:35
in some sense to have a
20:38
favorite doctor who you have to
20:40
be a fan of the show. Because one of
20:42
the beautiful things about Doctor Who is everyone gets
20:44
to have their doctor your pick does not have
20:46
to be anyone else's you do not have to
20:48
rank them the way anyone else does. Somebody
20:50
who does not have a favorite doctor who is is
20:52
probably not a huge fan of the show or maybe
20:54
a more peripheral fan of the show. And
20:57
so what your criticism is when
20:59
you criticize somebody's favorite doctor pick
21:02
is that they are
21:04
involved but they are involved in the
21:06
wrong way. So starting at
21:09
the bottom Colin
21:11
Baker. When we read research
21:13
on this sort of support
21:15
for the doctor the psychology
21:18
seemed almost similar to politics
21:20
of course with much lower stakes.
21:23
But there's the sense that somebody could
21:26
be on your political side but
21:29
they could be on your political side
21:31
in not exactly the right way. And
21:35
there is going to be something frustrating to
21:37
somebody who is deeply involved that this person
21:39
is coming so close
21:41
to getting it but
21:44
is actually not there. There's
21:52
another connection between Doctor Who fans
21:55
and political fanatics. Neither
21:57
can stop talking about their obsession. When
22:01
we come back, how journalists favor
22:03
the zealous voices of the deeply
22:05
involved. You're listening to Hidden Brain.
22:08
I'm Shankar Vedanta. The
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at t-mobile.com/now. This
23:26
is Hidden Brain. I'm Shankar Vedanta. Political
23:31
scientist Yana Krupnikov argues that most
23:33
Americans are not seeing the defining
23:35
political thought line in the country.
23:38
It's not Republican versus Democrat, but the
23:40
gap between people who live, breathe and
23:42
talk politics all the time and those
23:44
for whom politics is a small part
23:46
of their lives. The
23:50
deeply involved spend lots of time
23:52
learning about politics, thinking about politics.
23:55
But they also do one other thing that
23:57
the less engaged rarely do. Yada,
24:00
you say the most defining feature of the
24:02
people who are deeply involved in politics
24:04
is something you call expression.
24:07
What do you mean by that? When
24:10
we think about expression, we
24:12
mean the desire to communicate
24:15
politics. We mean the
24:17
desire to not just
24:20
speak about information
24:23
or speak about
24:25
ways that you might change
24:27
politics, but really expressing your
24:29
own beliefs and feelings about
24:31
politics. Really speaking
24:34
your mind in the sense of
24:37
something happens and you
24:39
immediately want to tell others how you
24:41
felt about it, whether it was good,
24:43
how it made you think. But
24:46
it's the idea of essentially expressing
24:48
your views, expressing what others should
24:51
do, just literally talking about what
24:53
politics means to you. Now,
24:56
social media, you argue, is an important
24:58
part of the story. How so?
25:01
Well, in the past, if I wanted to
25:03
talk to somebody about politics, I would have
25:06
to find a person to literally talk about
25:08
politics too. Maybe
25:12
I couldn't find somebody to talk about politics too
25:14
that day, and so I just
25:18
wouldn't get to talk about it. Or
25:21
maybe I found a friend and I just
25:24
told them all about my political feelings and
25:26
they just didn't really care. But
25:30
now, if I can go
25:32
to Twitter and I
25:34
can type a political opinion. I
25:36
just changed the channel from Trump Town Hall
25:38
to Biden Town Hall and immediately fell asleep.
25:41
There is a high probability that a number
25:44
of people will chime in. Oh my God,
25:46
it was so boring. We need to support Trump 100%.
25:49
And potentially a lot of them might tell me that I'm
25:51
right. It was like listening to Grandpa. It
25:53
tapes Biden Town Hall to help him fall
25:55
asleep. And certainly, because it's Twitter, it's possible
25:57
that a bunch of people will also chime
26:00
in and tell me that I am a terrible person. I'm
26:02
pretty sure America could do with a domestic. I'd
26:04
have my ballot for Joe Biden. Is the role
26:06
of government to entertain its people or to protect
26:08
them? But
26:12
at least there will be somebody who
26:14
allows me that expression. You
26:21
have a story about social media from your
26:23
own life that isn't about politics, but
26:25
it says so much about how many
26:27
of us, I think, engage with politics.
26:30
Can you tell me the story of your
26:32
toddler and the plane trip? Yes.
26:36
So my daughter and
26:39
I were on a flight, and my husband was there as well. My
26:42
daughter was about 1 and 1.5 at the time. It
26:44
was a seven-hour flight. My
26:47
daughter was basically being herself. She was being
26:49
a 1 and 1.5-year-old. And
26:52
into this flight, I started
26:54
noticing this woman ahead of us
26:56
would constantly just turn every time
26:58
my daughter would make a slight
27:01
noise. And
27:03
this frustrated me.
27:05
This made me quite upset. And
27:07
it's this feeling of, am I doing a
27:09
terrible job? Am I a terrible parent? Why
27:12
does this woman keep turning around? Is my
27:14
kid being this bad? And
27:16
so I did it. The first thing that
27:18
came to my mind, I
27:20
paid for internet so I could go to
27:22
Twitter. I
27:25
tweeted about the fact that I'm on this
27:27
flight and this woman keeps turning around and
27:29
just looking at my daughter. And
27:32
the thing is, I want to emphasize here that it
27:35
was pretty safe for me to tweet that. I
27:37
knew pretty much what my network was like.
27:40
Immediately, the replies kept
27:43
pouring in, telling me that it was definitely
27:45
not me, that it was definitely her. In
27:49
fact, I think it was one of the most
27:51
engaged tweets. I don't get
27:53
that much engagement when I tweet about my research.
27:56
And in that moment, there's a
27:59
two things happened. The first,
28:01
I felt really good. It
28:04
was actually very good to have this social
28:06
support from a bunch of internet people. The
28:09
second thing is that it made
28:11
me just much angrier at this woman because
28:14
it was this kind of feeling of all
28:18
these people on the internet think
28:20
that you're a wrong airplane lady
28:22
and they're telling me that I am
28:24
right. Eventually,
28:28
the seven hour flight was over. The
28:31
plane landed and Yana's husband took his phone
28:33
off airplane mode and went online where
28:36
he saw his wife's post and all the responses.
28:40
And he was actually really surprised.
28:44
He did not notice the woman even though she
28:46
was actually more in his eyesight than mine. He
28:49
did not see her turning around at any point.
28:52
He thought everything had gone really well.
28:55
And it was a sort of a
28:57
notable moment. I
28:59
had had this moment and yet here was
29:01
somebody sitting next to me who
29:04
had no idea what I was talking about. He
29:07
didn't notice anything at all. And
29:10
I can see the really wonderful metaphor
29:12
here with the way our politics unfolds
29:14
on social media and the way so
29:16
many of us engage with politics on
29:19
social media. But there's also
29:21
something of a mystery here. You
29:23
say that the people who are
29:25
deeply involved are a minority of
29:27
all Americans. So why is
29:30
it, Yana, that we feel like we hear
29:32
their voices all the time? We
29:34
hear the deeply involved because they're
29:37
actually very loud. And
29:39
I don't mean that they're necessarily
29:41
screaming. But I
29:43
mean that in the sense that they
29:45
are more likely to occupy our social
29:48
media feeds. Their voices
29:50
are more likely to be
29:53
talking about politics. So it
29:55
seems like they're everywhere because whenever we encounter
29:57
politics, it is quite often the voices of
29:59
our voices. of these people who are
30:01
very, very deeply involved. And
30:03
so if you're constantly seeing
30:06
these posts about politics, you might
30:08
not realize that they are from
30:10
a very small set of
30:12
people. Or you might
30:14
think to yourself, well, I guess I'm the
30:16
odd person out. I never talk about politics,
30:19
but I guess everyone else is. And
30:22
so you kind of come to this idea that
30:25
the politically involved are
30:27
much more around us than they actually
30:30
are in numbers. Jana,
30:32
you also make the case that one
30:34
reason we hear the voices of the
30:37
deeply involved everywhere is because
30:39
journalists have a deep affinity for
30:41
the voices of the deeply involved.
30:43
Why is this? If
30:46
we think about what media
30:48
coverage includes, it's a lot
30:50
of conflict. And the
30:52
deeply involved are kind of readily there
30:55
to provide the conflict. They're
30:57
going to be the people who can be
30:59
most critical of the other side. They're going
31:01
to be the people who are going to
31:03
talk most passionately about politics. And so it
31:05
sort of follows that journalists
31:08
are going to be heavily drawn to
31:10
people who are deeply involved. And so
31:12
part and parcel of this coverage is
31:14
actually coverage of political polarization.
31:18
If journalists are drawn to coverage
31:20
of political polarization, then
31:22
they are almost, by definition, going
31:25
to be drawn to the voices
31:27
of the deeply involved. And so
31:29
they come to dominate these stories
31:31
as examples of just how terrible
31:33
partisan relations are. Jana
31:36
has run studies with hundreds of journalists across
31:38
the United States. She
31:40
has asked them the marriage question we discussed
31:42
earlier. How many Americans would
31:45
be unhappy if that child
31:47
married someone from the opposing
31:49
political party? And what
31:51
we found is that journalists
31:53
vastly overestimated this level
31:55
of polarization. They believe that
31:58
something like half of Americans would
32:00
be quite profoundly polarized.
32:03
When it is actually not the case, when we look
32:05
over our sample, it was a
32:08
tremendous kind of difference between what journalists
32:10
suspected was the case and what actually
32:13
was the case in our sample. Many
32:16
journalists also have a love affair with social
32:19
media, particularly X, also known
32:21
by its former name, Twitter. What
32:24
do they see when they get on their feeds? The
32:26
people who love to talk about politics. There's
32:29
this fascinating work by scholar Shannon McGregor
32:31
that shows that journalists are often turning
32:33
to Twitter as a gauge of public
32:36
opinion. Well, if the deeply
32:38
involved are much more likely
32:40
to express themselves on Twitter, and if
32:42
journalists are looking to Twitter for
32:45
stories for public opinion, they
32:47
are certainly having a higher probability
32:49
of landing on the opinions of
32:51
the deeply involved and then elevating
32:53
those perceptions to stories
32:55
on polarization, of stories of
32:57
discord, of stories of violence. There's
33:05
a fact that many journalists themselves live
33:08
and work in communities
33:10
of deep involvement in politics, play a role
33:13
in this as well. I'm thinking of journalists
33:15
certainly within the Washington Beltway. They're
33:17
embedded in communities and neighborhoods where lots of
33:19
their friends and neighbors are probably
33:21
among the ranks of the deeply involved. I
33:24
would think that it does. When I
33:26
think of myself, for example,
33:28
when I log on to Twitter, I'm in
33:30
a network of people who are deeply involved
33:33
in politics. And so
33:35
often, it's almost difficult
33:37
for me to remember that
33:39
there are all these people in
33:41
my own survey data for whom
33:44
politics is actually much, much less
33:46
important. And I
33:48
imagine for journalists, it actually must be
33:50
exacerbated. They're also
33:52
in these kinds of networks. They're often
33:54
in networks with other journalists. So
33:57
essentially, there's constantly somebody there.
34:00
reinforcing your view of what
34:03
is important and what
34:05
politics looks like and what the world looks
34:07
like. And so in that
34:09
sense, it is a perspective of
34:11
the world that is actually
34:14
completely in line with the world
34:17
you see around you. But
34:20
the world you see around you may not
34:22
necessarily be reflective of a large group of
34:25
people. One of the
34:27
most troubling things I took away from
34:29
your work is how privilege might intersect
34:31
with political involvement. So the person working
34:34
three jobs to make ends meet, it's
34:36
probably not the person who really cares
34:38
that the president was up at night
34:41
tweeting made-up words. Many
34:43
working parents, you know, they might be
34:45
too exhausted with work and childcare to
34:47
be up in arms about the latest
34:49
brouhaha on Twitter. So when we privilege
34:51
the voices of the deeply involved, at
34:53
some level, are we also privileging the
34:56
voices of the privileged? I
34:59
think there are two ways to look at it. On
35:01
the one hand, I think there is
35:04
a certain privilege to not following politics,
35:06
where you sort of feel so comfortable
35:08
about your state in the country that
35:10
you don't necessarily care who wins. But
35:13
I think there's another privilege, and that
35:15
is spending a lot of time following
35:17
politics. I
35:20
feel like I have a tremendous amount of
35:22
privilege in my job that I can check
35:24
in and see what's happening on the news,
35:27
that I'm afforded the flexibility to do
35:29
so, that I can follow a debate
35:31
or that I can follow a congressional
35:33
hearing, for example, if I so chose.
35:36
But when I think about kind
35:38
of the world of people who
35:40
are working hourly jobs, who are
35:42
single parents, who are basically living
35:44
kind of paycheck to paycheck, politics
35:47
may not be something they just
35:49
have time for. Spending
35:52
a lot of time figuring out
35:55
the latest presidential tweet is
35:58
not necessarily going be something
36:00
that when they have downtime, they're
36:02
going to be able to do.
36:04
They probably rather spend time with
36:06
their kids or their families. So
36:09
I think there is certainly a privilege
36:12
to actually being able to
36:14
spend the time on politics
36:16
that I think a lot of people in this country just don't
36:18
have. How
36:22
do people who are deeply involved in politics affect
36:25
our larger discourse, our
36:27
ability to find solutions and make compromises?
36:30
That's when we come back. You're listening to
36:32
Hidden Brain. I'm Shird Harbidee. Support
36:46
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37:43
It's easy to get distracted by
37:45
email alerts, texts and phone calls.
37:49
Our psychologist Gloria Mark says there's
37:51
another source of distraction that's just
37:53
as insidious. Self-interruptions.
38:00
the number of external
38:02
interruptions goes down in
38:05
the next hour, the number of self
38:08
interruptions goes up. So
38:11
it's almost as if people want
38:13
to maintain this level of interruptions
38:16
and if you're not being interrupted
38:19
by something external to yourself, then
38:21
you use self interrupt. Learn
38:25
how to rebuild your attention span in our
38:27
recent episode, Finding Focus. You
38:30
can find it right now in the spot cast feed or
38:33
on our website hiddenbrain.org.
38:45
This is Hidden Brain. I'm Shankar Vedantam.
38:48
People who are deeply involved in politics
38:51
have strong convictions. They
38:53
talk about politics all the time because they are
38:55
worried about the state of the country, the
38:57
economy. They care. They
39:00
believe that if they can only get other Americans to
39:02
care as much as they do, we
39:04
would all be better off. Are
39:06
they succeeding? University
39:09
of Michigan political scientist, Yana Krupnikov
39:11
studies the deeply involved and how
39:13
their outsized role in politics and
39:16
media coverage shapes our
39:18
understanding of partisanship in the United States.
39:24
Yana, people who are deeply involved in
39:26
politics want to engage people who are
39:28
not involved because they want to affect
39:30
change. They want others to see the
39:32
importance of political issues and political causes.
39:35
Aren't they effective at doing this? So
39:38
I think the the goals of the
39:40
deeply involved are actually coming from a
39:42
good place. If you
39:44
are looking over the spectrum
39:46
of politics and you see
39:49
things happening in front of you
39:51
that you think are horrifying and
39:53
terrible and problematic, you
39:55
want other people to know about this. You want
39:58
other people to know that They
40:00
should be anxious and they should be
40:02
afraid and bad things could be coming.
40:05
But I think there is this
40:07
sense of deep
40:09
involvement that may not
40:12
necessarily translate to others. When
40:14
others see somebody who is profoundly
40:17
involved in politics, it
40:19
might send the message that to be
40:22
at all engaged, that is how you
40:24
should behave. That it's not
40:26
enough to just kind of sporadically follow
40:28
the news or to pay attention during
40:30
elections but you have to sort of
40:33
live and breathe politics and that's how
40:35
you become somebody who
40:37
is politically engaged or
40:39
knows anything political. And
40:42
I think that's tough for people. I think
40:44
for people who may not
40:46
necessarily have the time or the
40:48
strong interest, believing that
40:51
this is how political engagement
40:53
works may be kind
40:55
of a tough example to
40:57
swallow which
40:59
I think can undermine the effectiveness
41:01
of those who are politically involved
41:03
encouraging others to become more engaged
41:05
as well. So there is
41:08
a very interesting psychological theory that you are
41:10
advancing here. In some ways you are saying
41:12
that deeply involved in some ways have become
41:14
a role models of how it is to
41:16
be involved in politics. And when we look
41:18
at the deeply involved, when we turn on
41:20
cable news in the evenings and we hear
41:22
them and we turn on Twitter and we
41:24
watch sort of the debates raging on Twitter,
41:26
we think this is how if you are interested in
41:29
politics, this is how you have to be involved in
41:31
politics. And then we ask ourselves the question, do I
41:33
want to be that kind of person? And what you
41:35
are saying is for many people, the
41:37
answer might be no. Yeah.
41:40
A lot of times when we
41:42
categorize ourselves, as research and psychology
41:44
suggest, we compare ourselves to other
41:46
people and we sort of say,
41:48
am I like this person?
41:51
Am I similar to this person? In what ways
41:53
that I am different? And
41:55
I think in some sense when people compare themselves
41:57
to the deeply involved, they are obviously going to
42:00
see that they are quite different. Maybe
42:03
they're gonna think, I don't feel quite as strongly
42:06
or, you know, I vote in
42:08
these national elections, but I can't bring myself to
42:10
vote in these local elections. I just don't know
42:12
enough. And that contributes
42:14
to our self categorization as somebody who
42:17
is ostensibly non political, which is I
42:19
think a descriptor, I actually hear quite
42:21
a lot from people, I'm not political.
42:24
And I think an interesting question there becomes,
42:27
are you not political? Or are
42:29
you not deeply involved? Are
42:33
you actually entirely disengaged from
42:35
politics? Or
42:37
do you just not believe that you
42:39
have any capacity to to be part
42:41
of politics, because you don't think you
42:43
can look like the people you see
42:45
on your television screen? I'm
42:55
wondering if there's another effect here, which is that
42:57
if I'm a democrat, and I'm watching television, and
43:00
I'm seeing people who are deeply involved
43:02
in politics, who are Republicans on television,
43:05
it's reasonable almost for me to draw
43:07
the impression that all Republicans must be
43:09
like the Republicans that I see on
43:11
television. And in fact,
43:14
some research I've recently done suggests
43:16
that very point. So along with
43:18
co authors, Samara Clark, John Ryan,
43:20
Jamie Druckmann, and Matt Levendusky, we
43:23
actually asked people what they believe
43:25
the most common member of the
43:27
opposing party looks like. And
43:30
then we actually measured what people
43:32
from both parties look like. And
43:34
what we found is that people
43:36
imagine that those from the other
43:38
party were constantly talking about politics,
43:41
and that they were very extreme. But
43:44
in fact, that's not the case at all.
43:46
The sort of most common member of a
43:48
party, a person on a
43:50
survey who says they're a democrat or republican
43:53
is somebody who doesn't talk about politics all
43:55
that much, and somebody who is not all
43:57
that extreme. And so
43:59
the difference difference between what the
44:01
partisans actually look like and what
44:04
people imagine the partisans actually look
44:06
like was quite jarring. But
44:09
it's not as jarring when you think
44:11
about the partisans that you see on
44:13
Twitter, the partisans that you see on
44:15
television, the partisans you see in the
44:17
news. People
44:20
who are reasonable and dispassionate don't
44:22
necessarily make for the best political
44:24
news, especially if you want to
44:27
illustrate polarization. And
44:29
so when we see people who are quite
44:31
angry, it forms our idea of what a
44:34
partisan is and what somebody who
44:36
is political actually looks like. When
44:39
I look at the voter turnout in recent
44:41
elections, the biggest party by far might not
44:43
be the Republican Party or the Democratic Party.
44:45
It might be the party of what you
44:47
might call, please leave me out of it.
44:50
Among all Americans of voting age, about
44:52
two in five, about 40 percent, typically
44:54
don't vote. Now, this has been true
44:56
for a long time. It probably precedes
44:58
the growth and popularity of
45:00
social media. But is there
45:03
a connection between the story you tell
45:05
about this new false line and people
45:07
who are completely disengaging from politics? Well,
45:09
this is a worry of mine when I
45:12
think about deep involvement. If
45:15
we sort of communicate to people that
45:17
politics is about being angry, that
45:19
politics is about essentially,
45:22
and I don't
45:24
just mean being angry about the events we
45:26
see around us, because I think people should,
45:28
in a lot of cases, be very angry about
45:31
the political events we see around us. But
45:33
essentially, the politics is constantly about
45:37
fighting and spending a lot of time expressing
45:40
this. It might suggest to people
45:42
that they don't have what it takes to be
45:45
a part of politics. So
45:47
when we think about people essentially
45:49
disengaging, part of it might
45:51
be people sort of saying, I don't
45:54
necessarily want to be part
45:56
of this. I
45:59
don't want to be like. Partisans, I
46:01
don't necessarily want to be in a
46:03
group with these people I see around
46:05
me Jenner's
46:12
research finds that these people are not just
46:14
reluctant to get involved in politics They
46:17
feel less confident in their ability
46:19
to do so If
46:23
you think that you're non-political because you're different
46:25
from those you see in the news It
46:28
might suggest to you that your voice is
46:30
just not as worthwhile And
46:33
you might actually even start to believe that
46:35
you don't know enough to be part
46:37
of the political world You don't
46:39
know enough to actually participate Which
46:42
I think could lead to people kind of exiting out
46:44
of the process Yeah You you cite
46:46
a story that was once published in the
46:48
New York Times about a woman who decided
46:50
to set out a recent Election she decided
46:52
not to vote and she had
46:55
I believe friends or siblings Who
46:57
had very different feelings about what
46:59
happened. Tell me that story So
47:01
this story was quite interesting to us and
47:03
it was in the back of our minds
47:05
as we were working through Our
47:08
our theoretic work and it's this woman who talked
47:10
about deciding that she wasn't going to turn out
47:12
to vote And she had
47:14
these two close friends who basically started
47:17
texting her Repeatedly almost trying to shame
47:19
her into turning out and voted and
47:22
in the end she didn't vote so it was not
47:24
effective But it was
47:26
effective in her essentially stopping being friends
47:28
with these people People who
47:31
she reports actually having been friends with for
47:33
a long time I think and
47:35
the other thing that she reports that
47:37
was especially kind of sad in some
47:39
ways is that She actually
47:42
never really engaged with politics again
47:45
It was such a poor experience for
47:47
her that it led her to exit
47:49
out of politics entirely and
47:51
you can see this story I think from both sides.
47:53
I think the people who were trying to convince
47:55
her to vote Genuinely
47:58
wanted to see this person that engage
48:00
in politics. They genuinely believe
48:02
politics is important. They genuinely want
48:05
people to vote. But
48:08
what happened was an entirely opposing
48:10
reaction, which
48:14
sort of speaks to this idea of
48:16
how we communicate the importance of politics
48:18
to others. So there's
48:20
something deeply ironic here because, as you said,
48:22
the deeply involved, you know, are deeply involved
48:24
because they care so much. They have deep
48:26
ideals very often about what's right and what's
48:28
wrong and how to make things better. But
48:31
paradoxically, in terms of actual effectiveness,
48:34
they might not actually be getting their
48:36
way, not just because they're driving disengagement
48:38
among some people, but also because, as
48:40
you point out, the deeply engaged are
48:42
also the ones who are least interested
48:44
in compromise. So compromise is a dirty
48:46
word when it comes to the people
48:48
who are the most deeply engaged in
48:50
politics. What does it mean for
48:52
a democracy, Yana? When
48:54
the people who are in the fray, who
48:57
stay in the fray, are the ones who
48:59
say any compromise with the other side is
49:01
effectively betrayal and treason, and we are driving
49:03
out the people who might in some ways
49:05
be more amenable to compromise? Oh,
49:08
I think there are sort of two
49:10
ways to look at this. I
49:13
think one, as more and more
49:15
people who are less involved or
49:17
driven out of politics, we see
49:19
more of these people who are
49:22
deeply involved basically engaging with each
49:24
other, fully kind of convinced
49:26
of their own level of interest,
49:28
basically just reinforcing each other's views.
49:32
And then you have another half of
49:35
your electorate who's becoming less and less
49:37
and less engaged. What
49:40
are we losing in this case? Are
49:43
we losing certain voices that
49:45
could essentially be represented? Are
49:48
we changing who is being represented? Are
49:51
we essentially altering the extent
49:53
to which government can be
49:55
responsible? I think these are all
49:57
things that we should kind of think about when we think
49:59
about it. about what it means when
50:01
we give the deeply-volved so much voice.
50:13
One of the most surprising things about
50:15
your thesis, as I was reading your
50:18
work, is how many Americans think of
50:20
people who belong to their own political
50:22
party who are deeply involved. Obviously,
50:25
many Americans dislike partisans on the other side
50:27
who are deeply involved. But how do people
50:29
think about people on their own side who
50:31
are deeply involved? Certainly.
50:34
People like those on their own side who
50:37
are deeply involved a lot better than they
50:39
like those on the other side who are
50:41
deeply involved. But there
50:43
is also some sense that people
50:45
aren't necessarily all that excited about
50:47
people who are deeply involved on
50:49
their own side as well. People
50:53
who are not deeply involved don't
50:56
exactly love people who tweet about
50:58
politics even from their own side. So
51:01
certainly, certainly, I think
51:03
if we kind of truth-serum people, they
51:05
would say, well, if you're
51:08
gonna tweet about politics, please do it so
51:10
much better. But
51:12
they don't necessarily love that either.
51:15
I sense, in some ways, that there is
51:18
an irony in your work, Jana, because you've
51:20
mentioned in a couple of different ways that
51:22
you yourself might belong to the
51:24
ranks of the people who are deeply involved. You
51:27
talked about it briefly in the context of many of
51:29
your friends on social media being deeply involved. You
51:32
have a critique of the deeply involved and
51:34
sort of the effect they're having on politics.
51:36
At some level, are you also critiquing your
51:38
own life and your own approach to politics?
51:42
By my definition, I
51:44
probably am quite deeply
51:46
involved. In fact, I do, in
51:48
fact, check the news in the morning when I
51:50
wake up. In that sense, I
51:53
do think that I am critiquing my own
51:55
life in a way. I found at a
51:59
number of points. actually having to
52:01
remind myself, there are people
52:03
out there who are much
52:05
more concerned about where
52:07
their next paycheck is going to come from, whether
52:10
they have time to spend with their kids
52:12
than with the latest thing the president has
52:14
tweeted. And I think working
52:16
on this has been a
52:18
helpful reminder of this constant voice that I
52:21
should hear in my head of, this
52:24
is not real life. Yana
52:35
Kripnikov is a political scientist at the
52:38
University of Michigan. Her
52:40
book, written with her fellow political
52:42
scientist, John Barry Ryan, is called
52:44
The Other Divide, Polarization
52:47
and Disengagement in American
52:49
Politics. Yana, thank you
52:51
for joining me today on Hidden Zen. Thank
52:53
you for having me. Hidden
53:00
Brain is produced by Hidden Brain Media. Our
53:03
audio production team includes Bridget
53:05
McCarthy, Annie Murphy-Paul, Christian Wong,
53:07
Laura Corral, Ryan Katz, Autumn
53:09
Barnes, Andrew Chadwick, and Nick
53:11
Woodbury. Tara Boyle is
53:14
our executive producer. I'm Hidden Brain's
53:16
executive editor. Next
53:19
week, we wrap up our US 2.0
53:21
series with a dive into history. We'll
53:24
hear a fresh perspective on the man who
53:26
navigated the United States through a perilous moment
53:28
in its history, Abraham Lincoln.
53:31
We talk with NPR's Steven Skee about
53:34
the nation's 16th president and
53:36
the lessons his leadership still holds for us.
53:39
If you've missed any of the episodes in
53:41
our US 2.0 series, you can find them
53:43
in this podcast feed or on our website,
53:46
hiddenbrain.org. I'm
53:48
Shankar Vedantan. See you soon. Bye.
54:00
you
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